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Megan Campbell on women, poverty, and why international law still matters

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There is something quietly disarming about the way Meghan Campbell traces her path to becoming one of Britain’s foremost human rights lawyers. You might expect a story steeped in early idealism, perhaps a childhood injustice, a formative mentor, or a precocious sense of vocation. Instead, she laughs and says it was television. 

“I watched a lot of Law and Order one summer and thought the lawyers looked really cool”, Campbell tells me. “I’m like, well, that sounds fun. I think I could do that. So really, it was Law and Order, not To Kill a Mockingbird.” She had written the latter on her university application forms, admitting that “it sounded like the right answer”, but the truth is rather more honest, and rather more human. 

Campbell is a Reader in International Human Rights Law at the University of Birmingham, where her research centres on women’s economic inequality: the structural, legal, and political forces that keep women poor. Her two monographs, Women, Poverty, Equality (2018) and the recently published Hanging in the Balance (2025), have established her as a leading voice in the field. She has advised the International Labour Organisation, the World Health Organisation, the Council of Europe, and the UK Cabinet Office. She is the Deputy Director of the Oxford Human Rights Hub and hosts their RightsUp podcast. She is, by any measure, formidably accomplished. 

Campbell grew up in Canada, raised by parents who wanted her to be a pharmacist, thinking it would be a better route to economic security. She had other ideas: “I didn’t love math and science as much as I loved the idea of getting to play around with words and construct an argument and figure out how to be persuasive. That was very, very appealing to me.” After graduating from the University of Manitoba, the only law school in the province, Campbell completed her articling year with the Manitoba government and was called to the bar. She then worked as a criminal barrister, putting in 15 or 16 trials. She went to the Court of Appeal. She wore the robes. She stood in a beautiful old building and argued a sentencing appeal for a sexual assault case, and she loved every second of it. 

“It’s very thrilling to cross-examine somebody, to put a witness on the stand”, Campbell tells me. “After you’ve done it, you feel like you could just jog up and down Everest, such a high.” As a Junior Crown attorney, she was carrying five or six hundred files at a time – DUIs, house party assaults, drug offences – learning how to read a case, how to negotiate, how to build an argument from almost nothing. The technical rigour of DUI cases alone, she says, was excellent training: strict rules around self-incriminating evidence, precise timelines, no margin for error. “It’s a very good area to practise because you have to make sure you’re getting your ducks in a row.” 

The criminal bar gave her something else, too: a set of questions she couldn’t stop turning over. She could see, from inside the system, how structurally incapable it was of addressing the things that actually troubled her. Criminal law sees each case as an individual event: did this person commit this offence? It cannot look up and ask the harder question. Why is it always trans women being murdered? Why, in Canada, is it always indigenous women? 

“The criminal law isn’t meant to solve those larger societal patterns about why certain types of women are more vulnerable to violence”, she says: “And there’s still quite strong critique that the criminal law system revictimises victims of violence because its processes are not victim-centred. When you put a criminal trial in, it’s the Crown that puts the case in. The victim, they’re not in charge of how their story gets told.” 

Campbell was 23 years old. She told her boss she was going abroad for a year to Edinburgh, for a master’s, and would come back. They held her job. Instead, halfway through her master’s, she decided to apply for a doctorate at Oxford. She went for it, she says, because “you only live once, take the big swing, see what happens”. Many months later, they said, you are accepted: “I was like, what now? I could not and I still cannot fathom why.” She was baffled by the college system (“they all look the same to me”), and ended up at Pembroke entirely by chance. The next several years of her life were dedicated to trying to answer the question that had been gnawing at her since that junior posting in Winnipeg: why are women so disproportionately poor? And what, if anything, could international law do about it? 

Her doctoral research, which became her first book, focused on the UN Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). It is, she explains, the leading international legal instrument on women’s rights, ratified by 189 countries. And it says almost nothing about poverty. “There’s no kind of obligation on states to tackle the gender dimensions of women’s economic deprivation”, she explains: “And so, obviously, that’s a massive source of rights violations. If you are a woman who is poor, it’s almost inherent that your rights are going to be violated.” 

The examples she reaches for tend to be both simple and quietly devastating. In the UK, before 1946, when a couple received social welfare benefits, the payment went directly into the man’s bank account. If the relationship was abusive or simply unequal, the woman might never see that money. “The way the law is structured, the delivery of benefits perpetuates women’s economic dependence on men. Those are the state’s structures that are keeping women poor.”  

Take the care economy. Most unpaid care of children, of the elderly, of whoever needs looking after at home, is still performed by women. That work takes time and energy. It limits the hours available for paid employment, the ability to develop skills, and the capacity to take economic opportunities as they arise. And almost every benefit system in the world, she argues, is built around a model that simply does not see this. “What it recognises as work tends to ignore the things that women do as actual work every day. That’s incredibly demanding of their time and energy.” She explains that women are told that they have to find work in the formal market, but when they explain they are burnt out from all the unpaid care work at home, caring for children, parents, in-laws, they are told “that is not work”. 

CEDAW, she concludes, does important work. It is progressive, wide-ranging, it even addresses climate change, noting that when disaster decimates public services, it is women who absorb the unpaid care work the state can no longer provide. But Campbell believes that it could be bolder. She says it needs to tell governments: “Your benefit levels are just too low. This is not enough money.”  

Through our conversation, the current political climate lurks constantly in the back of our minds. Trump’s second term. Farage in ascendance. ‘Gender-critical’ campaigns spreading across Western Europe and North America. Campbell does not minimise any of this. But she also does not panic, which is either a sign of deep faith in the long game or of habitual sangfroid, or possibly both. 

The systems, she acknowledges, are struggling. International institutions were built on the assumption that all states were operating in good faith, committed to a shared cosmopolitan ethos. “If you have actors who are now hostile to those systems”, she says, “it becomes very challenging, because the remedial tools these organisations have are often quite soft.” The UN can express concern. The Council of Europe can make recommendations. Neither can compel. 

Yet, if right-wing groups are working actively to defund and delegitimise these bodies, she points out, it must mean they perceive some threat in them. “If they were completely irrelevant, you would just ignore them. Law is not a perfect answer. It’s not the total solution. Looking to the law to solve all the problems of inequality will make people frustrated. But it’s a very powerful tool.” 

The work being done by the manosphere, the ecosystem of online figures and movements trading in hyper-traditional gender norms, is, she agrees, its own kind of threat. She has been researching comprehensive sexuality education, which is one of the arenas where this reaction is most visible: campaigns to roll back curricula that teach gender diversity, that tell girls their sexual pleasure matters, that dismantle the idea that men and women are fixed and opposite types.

“These norms that men in the manosphere are articulating might not seem connected to your day-to-day life”, she says, “but they create an enabling environment that legitimises retrogressive and conservative policies. These larger cultural norms are filtering into all different parts of our lives, and they will start to be reflected back in laws and policies”. She is not, she is careful to add, suggesting that engagement is the answer. Quite the opposite. “Not everyone is going to be rewriting constitutions. But you have the power to not engage, to stand up to these things when you see them happen in everyday life. And that’s all part of a larger project.” 

Campbell quotes something Carol Sanger, a scholar of American abortion law, said on the podcast RightsUp, which Campbell hosts for the Oxford Human Rights Hub. The point of anti-abortion laws, Sanger told her – the waiting periods, the parental consent requirements, and the mandated heartbeat screenings –  “is to make you feel ashamed that you got pregnant”. Campbell pauses: “That line just made me really rethink: if we had shame-free abortion laws, it would give so much autonomy and decision-making to women.” Then, more quietly: “But for most people, they don’t live under that kind of law.”  

This is what the Oxford Human Rights Hub exists to do. It takes the gap between what the law says and what it actually does to people’s lives and holds it up to the light. Blogs, podcasts, journal articles, documentary films: all freely available, all rigorous. “Universities are not well funded, and access to journal subscriptions is so expensive. We can create free resources for people who can’t afford access to them. But at the highest quality. Asking the hardest questions.” The Hub’s podcast was built on a specific frustration: that headlines about landmark cases tell you what happened and nothing about what it means. “People love podcasts, and they have time for podcasts,” she says. “Academia has sometimes snobbery around which mediums are the right mediums, where real scholarship lives. I don’t want to get bound up in those debates. Real scholarship is not just one format.”  

But asking the hardest questions means sitting with hard answers. Working in human rights, particularly on women’s poverty, is taxing. After a hard day, Campbell does the things anyone does: spends time with friends, gardening, wine bars, working out. She gets angry. She talks it through. She tries to figure out how to make things better. “You recognise it’s a marathon, not a sprint. Women have been fighting for their equality for a really long time. You’re part of that chain, like a baton race. It’s not your job to solve it completely. But it’s your job to keep trying to push the baton forward.” She says it without grandiosity. The way you might, if you had spent 20 years actually doing the running. 



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Student Life

Tommy Robinson Union invite sparks controversy across University

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The Oxford Union has invited Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, who identifies as Tommy Robinson, to speak at a Week 5 debate on the motion ‘This house believes the West is right to be suspicious of Islam’. The invitation has generated backlash from University societies, senior Union officials, and Stand Up to Racism UK. 

Yaxley-Lennon’s invitation has provoked censure from national organisation Stand Up to Racism, which posted a joint statement on social media with Oxford Against Discrimination to condemn the invitation “in the strongest possible terms”. They also called on Oxford Union President Arwa Elrayess to confirm that the invitation has been rescinded; “issue a public statement apologising for extending the invitation and promising full transparency with speakers’ events”; and “acknowledge the harm” caused to students by the decision. Stand Up to Racism has organised a protest to take place outside the Oxford Union on the 28th May, the day of the Week 5 Debate. 

Several University societies condemned the decision in statements to Cherwell, with Oxford African and Caribbean Society (ACS) telling Cherwell “granting Robinson an academic stage at a time of increased far-right activity confers a degree of respectability to ideologies that have historically marginalised our communities.” It Happens Here (IHH) accused Robinson of using sexual violence cases “to advance anti-Muslim sentiment”, and said his presence at the Union “ signals to survivors that their experiences are being instrumentalised, instead of taken seriously”. 

Oxford Student Greens told Cherwell that “there is no space for the kind of inflammatory, hateful rhetoric”. The Oxford Labour Club published a statement on Instagram saying it was “disgusted” by the invitation, writing that while “free speech is important… that does not mean that Tommy Robinson, a far-right extremist convicted of assault and harassment, should be platformed by the Union”. The Student Union (SU) published a statement recognising that “many students may be concerned about recently announced, upcoming high-profile speaker events in Oxford”. The SU  expressed “support and solidarity” with any students affected, “particularly those from marginalised groups”.

Condemnation has also come from senior Oxford Union officials. Cherwell understands that Prajwal Pandey, Oxford Union Librarian for Trinity Term, criticised the decision to invite Yaxley-Lennon in a speech before the Week 2 debate at the Union. A petition to call for a vote by Union members on the invitation to Tommy Robinson was circulated online by the Overheard at Oxford Instagram account. 

Cherwell has also seen a letter of resignation by Shermar Pryce, formally Chief Advisor to the President, in response to the decision to invite Yaxley-Lennon. Pryce cites his displeasure at what he dubs a “clown show”, and accused the Union of “appealing to malformed conceptions of ‘free speech’”: “To not rethink this invite, after members of all backgrounds and dispositions have expressed their concerns and fears, borders on malicious.” The letter further alleges that the decision was made without the knowledge of the majority of committee members. 

Candidates in the re-poll for the position of President-Elect, including the successful candidate Gareth Lim, unanimously condemned the invite when asked for their opinion by Cherwell during the election campaign. However, speaking to Cherwell after his victory, Lim repeated that he would not have invited Yaxley-Lennon to the Society, but said the Union should “stand by [its] decisions” and said incumbent President Arwa Elrayess had “done a pretty good job” at deciding who she wanted to invite. He said Elrayess was considering changes to the debate format to “ensure that people like Tommy Robinson answer the questions” and that it will be “only after we see the debate” that we could judge whether the invitation to Yaxley-Lennon was “the right thing to do”.

The reported invitation comes within the context of longstanding accusations against Yaxley-Lennon of Islamophobia and intimidation. He was a co-founder of the English Defence League in 2009, whose supporters have repeatedly targeted Muslim communities and mosques across the UK. He has also been convicted on multiple occasions, including for contempt of court in 2018 after livestreaming defendants accused of sexual exploitation outside a trial in Leeds, in breach of reporting restrictions. He was jailed for 18 months after admitting to the charge.

Yaxley-Lennon has faced further convictions for assault and harassment, and has been widely criticised for his rhetoric, accused of fuelling anti-Muslim sentiment. His public statements have included describing Muslim refugees to the UK as “fake refugees”, a 2011 threat to “every single Muslim watching….the Islamic community would feel the full force of the English Defence League” if another Islamist terror attack were to take place, and a 2018 admission that he “doesn’t care” if he “incites fear” of the UK’s Muslim community. 

He previously warned members of the press: “If you’re a journalist and you think your office or your home is a safe space…it’s not”, and referred to a female BBC journalist as a “slag” after Yaxley-Lennon was questioned by police over an alleged assault of a man at London St Pancras Station in 2025. Yaxley-Lennon was not charged over the incident.

Defending her decision to invite Yaxley-Lennon in an article in The Telegraph, Elrayess wrote: “For more than 200 years, the Oxford Union has existed to host debates – not to platform views uncritically, but to subject them to the most rigorous scrutiny. You do not invite a speaker to endorse them: you invite them so that their ideas can be examined, and their claims tested.”

Elrayess also appeared on the right-wing television news channel GB News to explain her defence of both the debate and the invitation to Yaxley-Lennon. She addressed concerns about the security risk raised by the event, and called it “a shame that we can’t even debate these topics anymore without the feeling of things crashing down.”

A spokesperson for the Oxford Union previously told Cherwell that the Union gives “members the opportunity to challenge…a broad range of speakers” and “only host[s] speakers who agree to be challenged”.

Oxford’s Turning Point UK society also defended the invitation. Their President described 

Yaxley-Lennon as “a culturally relevant figure in British politics” and that “the debate is of incredible importance”. They described the event as “the perfect opportunity for those who vehemently disagree with Tommy Robinson to put his ideas to the test”. 

Stephen Yaxley-Lennon was contacted for comment.



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Life on Earth: Art as armour in Mandel’s ‘Station Eleven’

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“I stood looking over my damaged home and tried to forget the sweetness of life on Earth.”
Emily St John Mandel, Station Eleven 

In a world on the brink of a catastrophe, Miranda Caroll draws the story of Dr Eleven. 

Dr Eleven, a jaded physicist, lives on a space station the size of our moon after escaping from the ruins of a destroyed Earth. The planet’s artificial sky was damaged when they fled from an alien invasion, leaving its surface in perpetual twilight. Human communities live in the Undersea, a lonely network of submarines and fallout shelters under the space station’s oceans. The creator of this kaleidoscopic world, Miranda, is a shipping executive by day and comic artist by night. Miranda is one of many characters the toughest, or perhaps the tenderest – to populate Emily St John Mandel’s post-apocalyptic epic, Station Eleven: a story of pandemic survivors trying to navigate the ruthless wilderness of a world without civilisation. 

Dr Eleven’s story is one of conflict and melancholy, of anger and longing. So is Mandel’s Station Eleven. As Mandel’s narrative spans across temporalities both before and after the catastrophe of a world-ending contagion, we observe the traumas inflicted upon a landscape when law and order crumble. We observe the cruelty of a fragmented world and its inhabitants’ attempts to survive and heal. Just as memory is power, art becomes a tool for survival. 

The world before the contagion is populated by Arthur Leander, Miranda Caroll, Clarke Thompson, and their contemporaries, who navigate lives of triumph and heartbreak with a lostness that is deeply human. By contrast, the post-pandemic generation confronts a lawless wasteland of violence. Kirsten Raymonde, our narrator, performs Shakespeare for the enduring human settlements with a troupe of musicians calling themselves the Travelling Symphony. In this lost land, each character seeks their own solace. Some turn towards religion and violence, conjuring fables in a distorted fantasy of new gods and prophets. Others, like Kirsten and her companions, inscribe through memories and artmaking. 

Electricity and gas become myths to the children of this new world. The aeroplane becomes a symbol of manmade freedom. The Symphony salvages food and clothing from abandoned houses. They build fires as the generators run out of propane. They whisper old words of poetry and pluck tunes on old strings, clinging to some semblance of familiarity in a land no longer recognisable. 

Mandel’s voice is elegiac. Sections of the novel become a chorus of mourning. “No more diving into pools of chlorinated water lit green from below. No more ball games played under floodlights. No more towns glimpsed from the sky through aeroplane windows. No more flight. No more cities.” This polyphony of voices mourns the loss of human infrastructure with a haunting mixture of grief and tranquillity. 

Did Earth ever belong to us, or have we only borrowed it for too long? Mandel investigates questions and claims of ownership. The lives we meticulously build rest on a perilous network of manmade structures, ranging from social norms to resource access. But these structures of technology and the socioeconomic systems can collapse. Our time on Earth is fundamentally transient, vulnerable to entropic forces insentient to human existence. 

The only way to honour this impermanent earth is to make art about it. Miranda sketches visions of a fictional world that bleeds into a bruised sunset along the Malaysian coast, just as the Symphony scrapes together performances of Shakespeare and Beethoven in the ruins of a new land. Art anchors us to identity. It is our armour. A survival without identity, without imagination, is meaningless. 

Art is power. The thirst for beauty connects us when we are floundering, cast adrift.  In a stroke of metafiction, Mandel’s novel shares its name with the title of Miranda’s comic: Station Eleven. At the novel’s climax, Kirsten is captured by Tyler Leander, whose cultivation of a manic religion has earned him the name ‘prophet’ and a cult following. With a gun pointed at Kirsten’s forehead, Tyler quotes from the comic: “We long only to go home. We dream of sunlight, we dream of walking on earth.” Kirsten quotes it back at him and, in doing so, stalls her own death. In a world where their shared language is violence, these words open a bridge across the divide of blood and hatred. 

This shared devotion to a comic book tethers the two to their humanity. Kirsten survives because both she and Tyler are joined, however momentarily, by a power greater than themselves. 

“We have been lost for so long. We long only for the world we were born into.”

Does anything at all belong to us? This spectacle we call society can be uprooted in the blink of an eye. This claim over our Earth our cities, our factories, our electric towers is perilous. We are easily broken. Yet Station Eleven not only acknowledges but celebrates our fragility. The novel demonstrates how speculative fiction is a genre ultimately concerned with the relationship between the environment and the individual, between Earth and humanity. By the end of the novel, our wandering characters survive in a shaky diaspora, imagining a painstaking reemergence of human society as they cradle each other for warmth. There are no answers, but there is the hope of an endless search. 

We must do this, I think. We must make stories out of our own fragility. We must write novels about the world ending that manage, also, to be breathlessly hopeful. This is our power. To stare our demise right in the face, to imagine beyond the lives we know. 

We are owed nothing except our store of carbon. The Earth does not endow us with the right to claim anything but the people we are, at a moment in time: memories, thoughts, scars, and all. As Mandel’s characters wander a world beyond the edge, confronting the brute of physics, the harsh lashings of a landscape, they discover in themselves a ruthless optimism that mutates to survive. This is how we live on an Earth that is temporarily borrowed. This is how we survive. This is how we ache, and long, and lust for life.



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The gap between funding and belonging at Oxford

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Oxford is keen to tell a particular story about itself: that it is open, that it is trying, that it is changing. Without a doubt, this rings true, particularly on a financial level, as exemplified by the generous Crankstart Scholarship and the University’s many hardship funds. And to be clear, they matter. For many students, that money is the difference between being here and not. 

But there is a quieter problem embedded in how this support is structured and discussed – one that reveals a set of assumptions about working-class students that the University has yet to fully confront. At its core, the issue is not the existence of financial support, but the expectations that come attached to it. 

Schemes like Crankstart tend to operate on the premise that financial disadvantage is primarily a matter of shortfall. Give students money, and the problem is essentially solved. This sounds reasonable until you consider what it assumes – namely, that recipients already possess the knowledge, confidence, and cultural fluency to manage that money “correctly” within Oxford’s uniquely opaque financial landscape.

But money at Oxford is not neutral. It comes embedded in systems like battels, college charges, book grants, rent schedules, vacation storage fees, formal wear expectations, unpaid internships, and the subtle but constant pressure to spend in ways that signal belonging. Knowing how to navigate these is not intuitive. It is learned often informally, sometimes through family experience, and long before arriving here.

Working-class students are far less likely to have had that exposure. Yet the structure of support assumes they will simply “figure it out.” This assumption shows up in small, but consequential, ways. Funds are frequently disbursed in lump sums, with little guidance beyond generic budgeting advice. Hardship applications require students to anticipate and articulate financial needs in a system they may not yet understand. There is an implicit expectation that students will know when to save, when to spend, and when to ask for more – all the while managing the social pressures of a university where spending norms are rarely explicit.

This gap is intensified by how difficult it is to earn money while at Oxford. Term-time work is typically discouraged in favour of prioritising academic commitments, leaving many students with little flexibility to respond to unexpected costs or social pressures. The assumption is that financial support will be enough. When it is not, there are few alternatives. The option to simply “work more” – a common fallback elsewhere – is largely closed off, further narrowing the margin for error. 

When things go wrong, the burden quietly shifts back onto the student. Overspent? You should have budgeted better. Didn’t apply in time? You should have known the system. Struggling socially because you can’t afford to participate? That’s unfortunate, but invisible. The underlying message is subtle but powerful: you have been given the opportunity, now it is your responsibility to make it work.

But is it not natural that, upon receiving extra money in your bank account – possibly more than you have ever had before – you would be tempted to spend dramatically? Those Ryanair flights for a European city break? Suddenly affordable. Tesco Finest over their value products? Why not treat yourself? 

Initially, it might seem obvious to respond to this gap with more “support” in the form of budgeting workshops, financial literacy sessions, or compulsory guidance on managing money at Oxford. But this risks reproducing the same problem in a different form.

If framed incorrectly, these initiatives can feel deeply patronising. They rest on the assumption that working-class students lack basic financial competence, and that they need to be taught how to budget, rather than supported in navigating a system that is itself unusually complex. In reality, many students from lower-income backgrounds arrive at Oxford already highly skilled in managing limited resources. The issue is not ignorance, but context.

Budgeting at Oxford is not the same as budgeting at home. It involves decoding unfamiliar charges, anticipating irregular expenses, and negotiating social expectations that are rarely spelt out. A workshop on “how to manage your money” does little to address this, and risks talking down to the very students it claims to support.

What’s needed instead is not remedial education, but structural clarity. Clearer information about likely costs, more transparency from colleges, and a recognition that the difficulty lies not in students’ abilities, but in the University’s complexity, at both a social and institutional level. We all have different relationships with money, which therefore makes blanket advice on budgeting pretty pointless. We all know what we should be doing, but how we implement it when suddenly able to afford that round of shots, dinner out, or a last-minute ticket, is far less straightforward. 

The issue is not a lack of discipline or understanding, but the collision between individual financial habits and an environment where spending is both highly visible and socially loaded. In that context, generic advice about restraint offers little real guidance. 

What students need is not to be told how to budget, but to be given a clearer sense of the landscape they are budgeting within – one where expectations, pressures, and costs are made explicit, rather than left to be inferred. 

Until that visibility exists, the burden will remain unevenly distributed. Students will continue to arrive equipped to meet the academic demands of the University, but left to decipher its financial and social logic alone. 

Access without understanding is not access at all. And that is a gap no scholarship, however generous, or life-changing, can fully close.



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