Traffic & Transport
Investment or waste? How the M4 relief road plan for Newport sums up Wales’s economic quandary | Infrastructure
It is afternoon rush hour on the M4 and drivers are yet again making slow progress around the city of Newport, often seen as the gateway to south Wales given its location between Cardiff and Bristol.
Cars and lorries are stuck in gridlocked traffic in both directions on the approach to the Brynglas tunnels, where the road narrows to two lanes in each direction, while flashing lights warn motorists in Welsh and English of a ciw (queue).
Traffic jams may be an everyday reality for commuters and businesses trying to move goods around, but they have also become a hotly debated topic before the Senedd elections on 7 May, in a vote predicted to bring sweeping political change to the principality, and send Labour into opposition for the first time since devolution in 1999.
Congestion on this part of the M4 – the main route linking south Wales with England – has been complained about by businesses and commuters for decades, while a relief road around Newport has been proposed for almost as long. Motorists say tailbacks cost time and money, and make the country less attractive to potential investors.
Poor public services, and frustration over long waiting times for NHS treatment, rank top of the concerns for Welsh voters before the election, along with disappointment with transport services and infrastructure like roads, rail and buses.
“If there is an accident on the motorway, the whole of Newport is gridlocked,” says Rosemary, 81, waiting at the city’s bus station. “We could have done with that new relief road, it would have been a big help.”
The retired shop worker is dependent on buses to visit the shops and her daughter in a nearby town. “It’s not a very reliable bus service, it’s become really poor since the pandemic,” she says.
The six main political parties are split over how to tackle the tailbacks, and the issue prompted fiery exchanges during a leaders’ debate.
Two people in the running to become the next first minister, the leader of Plaid Cymru, Rhun ap Iorwerth, and Reform UK Wales leader, Dan Thomas, both support a new road, along with the Conservatives. Meanwhile, Labour, the Greens and the Liberal Democrats have declared themselves against.
After years of political indecision, soaring costs and opposition from environmental groups, the relief road project was finally scrapped by the Labour-led Welsh government in 2019, citing the projected £1.4bn cost, and the adverse impact on its planned location on the Gwent Levels nature reserve.
Opposition parties have criticised Labour for the £114m spend on the project before cancellation, although the party has pledged to improve public transport, cap adult bus fares and expand the “South Wales metro” rail electrification project. The network of tram-trains, able to run on rail and tram lines, is over budget, but scheduled to enter service shortly.
On a bright spring day, the sun glints off the river Usk that flows through Newport before reaching the Severn estuary and spanned by the transporter bridge, symbolising the city’s industrial heritage when huge quantities of Welsh coal and steel were loaded on to ships at its docks.
“The No 1 issue for my members is the M4, the congestion and uncertainty,” says Josh Fenton, senior policy manager at industry body Logistics UK. “The longer HGVs are sat in traffic, that’s adding to cost, making things more difficult, and potentially putting some businesses off setting up locally.”
Any new road would cost considerably more than the £1.4bn previously estimated, after recent construction cost increases and inflation.
The cost could be “potentially even up to £2.5bn and the Welsh government’s capital budget is about £3bn,” says David Philips, head of devolved and local government finance at the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS).
“Even if they were to do this over two terms, you’re looking at some £300m a year, which is 10% of the Welsh government’s capital budget. Then there’s lots of ambition for other things, like social housing, railways and investment in school and health facilities,” adds Philips.
The two parties topping the polls, Plaid and Reform, agree on the need for a new road, yet hold differing views on how to pay. At the Newport launch of Reform’s manifesto for the Senedd elections, party leader Nigel Farage said he would build a “toll road”, while Plaid have not laid out how they would fund the scheme.
“It comes with some kind of cost,” says Philips. “Either you need to borrow in an expensive way, or you need to cut back some other areas, or you need to raise additional revenue.”
Putting 1p on all rates of income tax across Wales could raise £400m a year, Philips calculates, although he notes “you could say this is for an investment in transport, but people in north Wales wouldn’t be very happy about that”.
Plaid and Reform also offer vastly differing visions for the Welsh economy: Reform has previously proposed reviving Wales’ industrial past, including coal mining and steel making, while Plaid has promised to increase public procurement from Welsh businesses and create a new national development agency.
Whoever runs the next government in Cardiff will face a “Welsh budget under significant pressure”, according to the IFS, amid a slowdown in increases in UK government funding, and a growing demand for health and social care, prompting the thinktank to call on the main parties to be “more upfront about fiscal reality”.
Back in the 1970s, when Wales began to lose mining and heavy industry, it had some success in attracting foreign investment, partly thanks to transport links offered by the M4. However, much of this investment proved temporary, and many large multinationals have come and gone in the intervening years, including carmaker Ford, which closed its Bridgend engine plant in 2020, as well as South Korea’s LG and white goods manufacturer, Hotpoint.
Transport infrastructure could now deter other overseas investors from setting up in Wales, according to Gareth Jenkins, executive chair of manufacturer FSG Tool and Die, located a quick – or sometimes slow – 20 miles up the road from Newport in Llantrisant, which is also home to the Royal Mint, producer of the UK’s coins.
FSG employs about 100 people, mostly specialist engineers who make the tools that allow Starbucks to produce reusable cups, McDonald’s to make plastic sauce pots, and Tesla to make battery cases for its electric vehicles, for customers as far afield as the US and Bolivia.
Roads are “generally a nightmare”, says Jenkins. “I can’t prove it’s affecting inward investment, but, if I was an investor, I’d be thinking: ‘Can I get a good building cheaply? Where can I get my people from? Can I move my stuff?’” says the plain-speaking Welshman, who previously advised the Welsh government on the manufacturing sector after the financial crisis.
Manufacturing still accounts for about a sixth of Wales’s economic output, the highest share in the UK relative to the economy’s size, according to industry body, MakeUK. The sector employs 138,000 people in Wales, vital for a country with lower employment and higher economic inactivity than any other UK nation or region apart from Northern Ireland.
“For manufacturing in Wales, there’s two routes out, one in the north, one in the south. It’s not acceptable to say ‘We’ve got what we’ve got and we’re not going to spend any more money on the M4.’ You’ve got to move goods around and it isn’t going to go from Cardiff airport and is very unlikely to go from Port Talbot docks.”
The Welsh government recently won a case over its £205m decade-long subsidy package for state-owned Cardiff airport, brought by its rival in Bristol. Companies such as FSG are calling for an expansion in the airport’s cargo operations beyond several weekly freight flights to China, launched in 2024.
Public services and transport are the main concerns for Cheryl Tucker, and former colleagues Lisa Owen and Karen Jones, enjoying a coffee and a catch-up at a cafe around the corner from FSG.
Top priority would be more hospitals and improved medical care, Tucker says, adding “but you need a good road network to get to hospital or other places”.
Despite these frustrations, their disenchantment with politics means Tucker and her friends are not planning to vote in the Senedd election.
Traffic & Transport
Heathrow third runway GDP yield may be 90% less than original estimate | Heathrow airport
The economic boost from a Heathrow third runway could be a tiny fraction of previous estimates, new government analysis shows, while the overall trade-off from the bigger airport could set the UK back by as much £62.5bn.
As ministers promised to speed up expansion of the London airport in the name of economic growth, documents prepared by the Department for Transport said the runway was expected to boost GDP by only up to 0.05% – 90% less than the 0.5% previously stated.
The figures, described as historically bad by one economist, put the arguments for a third runway in fresh doubt. The DfT calculates the net present value of the scheme, even if entirely privately financed, to be between -£23.4bn and £-62.5bn. Net present value is defined by the DfT as the overall social value of expanding Heathrow, compared with not doing it, adding all costs and benefits.
That figure incorporates between £29bn-£42.4bn in positive benefits to passengers – primarily, lower air fares – and wider economic benefits.
But the government’s assessment is that those gains are outweighed by the social and environmental impact of building the runway. Profits at airlines and other airports are expected to fall by around £25bn, according to the appraisal.
The chancellor, Rachel Reeves, has championed rapid expansion of Heathrow in the name of economic growth, which she described as “this government’s top priority” as the consultation for the next stage of legislative was launched on Thursday.
The documents state that “external analysis, commissioned by the DfT, has found that the scheme could add up to 0.05% to GDP in 2056”.
Figures previously cited by the government have been in the range of 0.43%-0.5% growth.
Heathrow said the new figures did not capture all the economic benefits, while a government spokesperson said they were “only part of the picture”.
However, Alex Chapman, head of economic policy at the New Economics Foundation said: “In its desperation for a fraction of a percent of GDP growth, this government has lost its way. They said they were backing Heathrow expansion for economic reasons but their own analysis shows it won’t deliver.
“The results from the department’s impact assessment must be some of the worst in history, and reflect what we’ve been saying for the past year: the economic argument for expansion does not add up.”
A DfT spokesperson said: “Net present value is just one part of the overall picture – crucially, an expanded Heathrow could support over 60,000 new local jobs and deliver £40bn of benefits to the UK.
“This will attract international investment and strengthen Britain’s connectivity, and we have been clear that expansion will be financed by the private sector.”
Heathrow said the DfT appraisal model excluded other ways in which expansion could increase the UK’s economic competitiveness and did not capture the value of UK trade.
It said the Treasury had consistently found that a bigger airport would grow the economy and benefit the UK, and was backed by trade unions, regional airports and businesses.
The documents were published as the government announced the next stage in rapid approval of the third runway, with a consultation before a MPs vote, and ministers promising spades in the ground by 2029.
Heathrow’s proposed 3,500-metre runway would divert the M25 motorway and demolish about 800 homes, to add about 276,000 extra flights a year. The scheme is estimated to cost £33bn, although a recent independent assessment for the Civil Aviation Authority said the project was likely to cost between £32.7bn and £52.4bn.
A DfT health impact assessment separately showed that the third runway could significantly harm the health and wellbeing of up to 3 million people living near Heathrow. The official report said an expanded Heathrow was also likely to worsen access to housing, education, healthcare, open space, and transport, as well as affect water quality and community cohesion.
The Lib Dem transport spokesperson, Olly Glover, said: “Labour can’t show how a Heathrow expansion squares with our climate commitments, or that it can be delivered anywhere near legal noise and air pollution limits.”
“Real leadership delivers economic progress without trashing our climate commitments or steamrolling the communities in the flight path.”
Traffic & Transport
Heathrow third runway likely to affect health of millions nearby, official report warns | Heathrow third runway
Construction of a third runway at Heathrow is likely to have significant adverse effects on the health and wellbeing of up to 3 million people living nearby, an official report has said, as the government launched the next stage of its rapid airport expansion plan.
An analysis for the Department for Transport has found that expanding London’s hub airport could have “major adverse” impacts on the health of the most local population.
Construction and operation of the third runway will worsen not just noise and air quality, but could also harm access to housing, education, healthcare, open space, and transport, the report bythe consultants Aecom said. Heathrow’s expansion will impact water quality, weaken community identity and cohesion, worsen landscapes and townscapes, and affect climate change mitigation and adaptation, it added.
The impact analysis of the new policy said construction of a third runway would likely be beneficial for jobs, income, education, skills, and training. But the report concluded: “Adverse effects are considered likely with regard to the other determinants which cover environmental and social considerations, and many of these have potential to be significant.”
While the report is expected to help shape measures to mitigate the effect on residents, it says the impacts cannot be fully offset. The DfT was approached for comment.
The disclosure came in supporting documents as the government announced another milestone in expansion, the accelerated publication for consultation of a draft national policy statement backing the third runway.
the transport secretary, Heidi Alexander, said: “Today’s consultation is a positive step towards realising the benefits of a third runway, by giving businesses, communities, and the public the chance to help shape this key project at one of the world’s most successful hub airports.
“We are determined to move quickly and responsibly to set a framework for future expansion at Heathrow that will meet the needs of local people and the country on the key issues of noise, air quality, climate change and economic growth.”
MPs will vote on whether to approve the policy, which is now known as the Heathrow Expansion national policy statement rather than covering airports nationwide.
The previous policy statement was voted through under the Conservatives after the Airports Commission judged that only one runway could be built in south-east England without breaching climate commitments. Labour has since approved expansion at London’s Stansted, Luton and Gatwick airports.
The chancellor, Rachel Reeves, has been a champion of the third runway but is widely expected to leave office if Andy Burnham wins the Makerfield byelection and succeeds Keir Starmer as leader.
She said: “Growth is this government’s top priority, and we are backing the builders to get Britain moving. An expanded Heathrow would support over 60,000 good local jobs and deliver up to £42bn in benefits to the UK – strengthening vital links and improving connectivity across the country.”
Speaking at a conference in London earlier, Reeves said: “Somebody had to bite the bullet … In the last 18 months, we’ve made more progress on Heathrow than the last government made in 14 years. And I am determined that by the time of the next election, there are spades in the ground.”
Heathrow is seeking to build a 3,500-metre runway, which would require the M25 motorway being moved and the compulsory purchase of about 800 homes. The scheme, which is estimated to cost £33bn, would allow the airport to operate up to 756,000 flights with up to 150 million passengers each year.
Heathrow’s chief executive, Thomas Woldbye, said the consultation on the third runway plan represented “something Britain has often found difficult in recent years: progress”.
He added: “Our plan is privately funded by some of the largest investors in the world, widely supported by businesses, trade unions and communities across the country and it’s ready to go after years of scrutiny. We will now focus on securing planning permission and delivering this vital project.”
Paul McGuinness, the chair of the No 3rd Runway Coalition, said the expansion plans were “lurching towards farce” and there would be a “decade of destruction” around the airport in bulldozing houses and land before any runway was built.
He said airlines would be forced to pay ever higher charges and could be out-priced, adding: “No wonder an airline boss has called it HS2 all over again. It seems extraordinary that this government seems committed to repeating those mistakes.”
Celeste Hick, the policy manager at the campaign group Aviation Environment Federation, said the government was rushing policy through “with very little meaningful consultation with the very people” who would pay the price – “communities living under the flight paths and those whose homes will be destroyed or rendered uninhabitable”.
Traffic & Transport
Most of Great Britain’s major rail operators are back in public hands – is it working? | Rail industry
*Estimate based on contract expiry and government plans to nationalise every three months. Operator route maps are approximate
The majority of Great Britain’s major rail operators are now in public ownership, as the Labour government continues its efforts to make the railways “more reliable, affordable and accessible”.
The nationalisation of Govia Thameslink on 31 May represents the eleventh major passenger service to be brought back into public ownership, leaving five to go before the government’s deadline of completing every operator by 2027.
The rollout, which is resulting in an operator being nationalised roughly every three months, is gradually bringing an end to a privatised system that critics argue has been overly fragmented and focused on profit, to the detriment of passenger experience.
Several operators were already under public ownership by the time Labour were elected in 2024, having been nationalised by the Conservatives over financial woes and poor performance.
Meanwhile, Transport for Wales and ScotRail were each nationalised by the Welsh and Scottish devolved governments, in 2021 and 2022 respectively.
However, under the current transport secretary, Heidi Alexander, the Department for Transport (DfT) has accelerated the pace of nationalisation, bringing five operators on to the public books since May 2025: South Western Railway, C2C, Greater Anglia, West Midlands Trains and Govia Thameslink.
State of play, June 2026
So far eleven of the 16 major rail operators in Britain are now in public ownership:
Tap an operator to highlight routes, tap again to deselect
The government has said the remaining five will be nationalised by October 2027:
The operator that was nationalised most recently was Govia Thameslink, which took place on 31 May 2026.
The next operator set to be nationalised is Chiltern Railways, which the government says will take place in September 2026.
The nationalisations come ahead of the establishment of a new state-controlled company called Great British Railways, expected this year, which will manage rail infrastructure and services.
It has been described by the DfT as a “single directing mind” for “bringing track and train together, putting passengers and customers first, [and] rebuilding trust in the railway”.
It will soon manage most of the publicly owned operators in Great Britain, combining them with Network Rail, which owns the tracks, signals and big stations.
However, Great Britain’s trains will remain privately owned.
Industry insiders have expressed cautious optimism about Labour’s plans, highlighting the potential for Great British Railways to achieve more coordination and, in turn, greater efficiency.
However, experts have also warned that nationalisation alone may not be enough to fix all of Britain’s problems with rail, given ballooning costs.
“Irrespective of the ownership changes, the government’s got a major headache with the fact that rail is gobbling up so much public subsidy, and that’s before you get to HS2,” said Stephen Glaister, the emeritus professor of transport and infrastructure at Imperial College London and a former chair of the Office of Rail and Road.
“The government are making promises to make fares even cheaper and services even better, but both will cost more public money.”
The data available on nationalised operators so far offers a mixed picture on performance.
Several have experienced improving train punctuality and a reduction in cancellations but the performance of others has worsened over the past year.
LNER has been one of the most improved – and in June the rail minister, Peter Hendy, described the operator as a “blueprint” for wider renationalisation efforts.
Guardian graphic. Source: delay and cancellation data taken from the Office of Rail and Road. *Note: South Western Railway, C2C and Greater Anglia were nationalised by the Labour government in the latter half of the time period analysed here, while West Midlands Trains was nationalised afterwards
When will the next operators be nationalised?
Labour committed to bringing rail into public ownership in the party’s 2024 election manifesto – claiming it had come up with a way to nationalise trains “without costing taxpayers a penny in compensation”.
Instead of an “all-at-once” approach, nationalising every operator simultaneously and paying off shareholders, the government is running down the clock on existing rail contracts.
The DfT is waiting for each operator’s core contract expiry date, which allows the government to take over without compensating the private companies.
The final operator to expire in this way will be CrossCountry in October 2027 – and this is when the government says it will have completed rail nationalisation in Great Britain.
Until then, the government has set a pace of nationalising one operator in each annual quarter. Chiltern Railways is due next, in September 2026.
Labour’s current one-at-a-time approach builds off of the work of its predecessors in government. Several operators – including LNER, Northern and Southeastern – were brought into public ownership by the Conservatives from 2018 onwards.
In those cases, nationalisation was taken as an emergency measure rather than a deliberate policy – in response to financial difficulties, in the case of LNER, or because of dismal performance, in the case of Northern.
Additionally, ScotRail and Transport for Wales were brought into public ownership by their respective devolved governments, and their train operations are not expected to be merged into Great British Railways.
Labour’s strategy for the remaining operators is driven by legal reality – which experts say could be helpful given how fragmented rail in Great Britain has become.
“You can’t do it in one go,” said Marcus Mayers, the managing director of the Rail and Station Innovation Company. “If you try to merge 22 companies in one go – you don’t have the ability to build the system, to join it together that quickly.
“So you build an operation which is capable of ingesting organisations, and is capable of ingesting organisations at the rate of one every three months. That makes sense.”
Will nationalisation improve the railways?
The prime minister, Keir Starmer, has previously said his government would not be nationalising rail out of ideology but because of what it could deliver for passengers.
“We’ve tried privatisation for two or three decades and it’s a complete mess,” the Labour leader said in April 2024. “Everybody who travels on the trains has been affected by the cancellations and delay.”
Privatisation was undertaken by the Conservatives in the 1990s, after decades of falling ridership under the nationalised British Rail.
From 1948 onwards the annual number of journeys on Britain’s rail network fell consistently, from a peak of more than 1 billion a year in 1950 to a low of 0.6 billion in 1982.
After privatisation, rail journeys recovered significantly, reaching a new peak of 1.7 billion by 2017.
“Privatisation sparked a railway renaissance,” said Patrick McLoughlin, the transport secretary under David Cameron, in a speech in 2013.
However, the impact on other aspects of train travel has been more mixed.
One of the original selling points of privatisation was that competition for franchises would bring better value for the taxpayer.
While the industry remained subsidised overall, some major commuter franchises went on to pay a return.
Yet in the past few years, after huge falls in passenger numbers during the coronavirus pandemic, the amount the government pays to operators in public subsidy has ballooned to record levels.
“The government is still forking out £12bn on operational subsidy, plus HS2 is another £7bn, plus extracurricular investment projects on the existing railways,” Glaister said.
“That’s a very great deal of money in the context of the public expenditure crisis.”
Costs have risen for passengers, too. Rail fares have become less affordable since privatisation, rising faster than average earnings in the same period.
Today it costs about £8.90 to take a 50km (31-mile) journey by rail, based on how much revenue rail operators collect for each kilometre travelled on their network.
When adjusting for inflation, that same journey would have cost £7.54 in 1994.
The rising cost of rail comes amid widespread dissatisfaction with the reliability of Great Britain’s trains.
Last year was the worst year for cancellations nationally since 2015, according to statistics produced by the Office of Rail and Road.
Labour has pledged to improve reliability and affordability with nationalisation, banking on a unified Great British Railways to end what critics see as an overly fragmented system.
“It’s possible, because there’s efficiencies of integration of track and train, which might mean that problems get solved more quickly,” Mayers said.
“You may be taking out the commercial imperative to drive reliability, but you’ve also got more collaboration about how to achieve it. So it’s a fine balance, and whether it will work or not is still open for debate.”
Others are sceptical of how much more efficiency can be wrung out of the system.
“Governments frequently say: ‘Oh, we’ll make the railways more efficient, we’ll buy lots of new equipment, we’ll employ less people to do the work,’” Glaister said.
“But the industry has been trying to do that for years and years, and the regulators screw that down to the absolute bottom in their settlements. And I don’t think there’s a lot of, as it were, undiscovered efficiencies to go for.”
A DfT spokesperson said: “Through public ownership and the creation of Great British Railways, the government is fundamentally reforming how our railways are run, putting passengers first.
“Public ownership will deliver a railway that is more accountable, efficient, and reliable – resulting in greater opportunities for communities and significant growth.
“It is not a silver bullet, and issues inherited from private sector ownership will take time to root out, but we expect public sector operators – and Great British Railways once it is established – to focus relentlessly on improving reliability, punctuality and other aspects of the service that matter most to passengers, and we will hold them to account for doing so.”
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