Student Life
‘A symptom of our divided society’: Stuart Jeffries on Oxford, philosophy, and the present state of protest
It’s safe to say that Stuart Jeffries has a complicated relationship with the University of Oxford. He is now a freelance arts journalist, writing regularly for The Guardian, Financial Times, Spectator, and Mail on Sunday. Earlier in his career, he also wrote as a jazz critic for the communist newspaper Morning Star, under the pseudonym Lew Lewis and penned his first book, The Oxford Handbook. Since then, he has written four more. He published his most recent, A Short History of Stupidity, last September. Before that, he was the first person in his family to attend university, matriculating at Exeter College.
As we settle down at a table just around the corner from his third-year accommodation, he tells me: “I really hated it. I came from Solihull Sixth Form. Oxford was really loud, really boorish… and it was very rugby-oriented, which was just not part of my culture.”
Jeffries recounts a specific evening when the team had been on a club dinner. He says: “They were scrumming down, in the quad, and just being absolute a***holes.” He then describes his retaliation. He and the drummer in his short-lived band “got a fire extinguisher and… sprayed it on [the rugby team]… which, of course, is just like a red rag to a bull. They all came tanking up the staircase and… there was a bit of a fight.” He stops for a moment, then adds somewhat more bashfully: “In retrospect, we were the people who started the trouble.”
For him, another stark difference between his state comprehensive and university was the quality of teaching: “The teaching I had at sixth form was really, really good, consistently… all the teachers were really passionate. And I didn’t really feel that with many of the teachers I had at Oxford.” Again he stops and counters himself. He considers his consistent love of philosophy: “I had a couple of philosophy tutors who I really loved, and clearly left a mark on me, because I’m still really interested.”
It sets the tone for the conversation. For Jeffries, Oxford “was f***ing hard”. His strong Birmingham accent set him apart, with tutors regularly ‘correcting’ his pronunciation and taking aim at his flattened vowels. He felt out of place with the “ethos” of the college, especially in 1981, when Exeter had gone co-ed only two years earlier. He says that a postgraduate student that he spoke to when he last returned, in 2007, described his time as “specifically… quite a bad era”. But then he soon continues: “Part of the problem was mine. I wish I had been more mature.”
He seems caught between the haunting memories of that “bad era”, which he “suspects” he “probably repressed a lot”, and the opportunities the University offered him. He mentions the weight of his place at Oxford more than once, and it is something he also wrote in his first book, The Oxford Handbook: “There was no question I could drop out… I think I was quite depressed and was probably struggling a bit mentally, but I didn’t feel that I could yield to any of that.” He is smiling as he considers his past: “I can’t remember myself that clearly when I was young… why didn’t I have a breakdown?”
Then he tells me: “You shouldn’t whine too much.” His tone, as it has been throughout, is light and joking. And he admits that Oxford is “absolutely worth it”. He adds: “For that name alone, the name of the University.” After all, it is also at Oxford where he found his love for philosophy. This love manifests clearly in his literary work, and it is obvious as we discuss his most recent book, A Short History of Stupidity. Beginning with the Ancient Greeks and taking us all the way to the artificial intelligence of our modern day, Jeffries looks at humanity’s moments of ‘stupidity’.
He talks to me specifically about intelligence and IQ tests: “They were first introduced in France, in 1905.” This, he says, was in an attempt to help students that the government thought were being left behind: “The psychologists’ idea was that if you introduced some sort of battery of tests… you would be able to help the kids who are struggling… but it very, very quickly became what the eugenics movement made of it… You get a number, and it hangs around your neck like an albatross…The eugenics movement perverted a really hopeful idea of what education could be, and instead became an absolutely racist means of trying to change society.”
“Oxford was absolutely part of it… it’s shocking to me that Rhodes is still up,” he continues, referring to the controversial statue of Cecil Rhodes in Oriel College. This sparks another memory: “I remember when I was at Oxford there was a massive fuss about putting up the Thatcher statue in Somerville.” Jeffries picketed against it. He also protested against his college’s association with Rio Tinto Zinc, for their involvement in apartheid in South Africa. Although he was demonstrating against the University, he says: “You didn’t feel as though you were necessarily pushing against a closed door… you could do something.”
He is not sure students today have the same opportunity. With rising university fees and the omnipresence of social media, there are “consequences” and “risks” he never really thought about. He thinks about recent headlines, and says that “the panopticon of social media has a chilling effect on… protest”. For him, “being a student was three years in which you were kind of expected to be a pain in the a***… for the powers that be”. Once more, reflecting on his time at Oxford, he adds: “Not that I did all that much.”
Jeffries admits that he thinks his perspective has been “skewed” by the experience of his daughter, who took up a degree in history at Oxford last year. His delight is palpable: “I was just desperately proud… I’m so proud that she went to Oxford.” He also notes the very important impact that access programmes such as Opportunity Oxford (OppOx) have made: “OppOx is extraordinary. I think it is really, really amazing… I could have done with it. It would have really helped me… just getting used to this weird environment.” An environment he felt was made to “wrongfoot” him, in the 1980s.
For the first time, he was very aware of his place in the English class system. He was different from his public school peers, who thought of him as one of “these state school oiks”. He tells me: “I was being completely transported into a world that was… like an old class structure, which was actually the reality of what our country is. This is where the power is.”
As much as Oxford and his perspective might have changed since he was last studying at Exeter, he tells me he thinks the university “is a symptom of our divided society”. According to him, public schools and their “business model” of education must be abolished: “Until that happens, this country is going to be, I think, a very divided and… unfair one.” It is a sober note to end on, and speaks to the difficulty of a university he experienced in 1981, that he otherwise covers with a joke that it is hard not to laugh at.
Stuart Jeffries is not a man who takes himself too seriously, and as he tells me about his time at Oxford, it is easy to smile with him as he manages to make a comedy out of an experience I certainly do not envy. But it is also clear that the University made a profound impact on the arts journalist, and he will always be followed by those three years at Exeter.
Student Life
Pro-Palestine march calls for University’s divestment from Israel
Pro-Palestine protesters marched from Cowley to the Weston Library on Saturday 31st October, demanding Oxford University’s divestment from Israel.
Around 120 people attended the protest, including groups such as Oxford Students for Palestine (formerly Oxford Schools for Palestine), Oxford Action for Palestine, Oxford City Green Party and Health Workers & Allies for Palestine.
The protest started with a speech about Oxford-educated administrators’ role in the creation of Israel, notably through the Balfour Declaration.
Green councillor Ahalya Bala also commented on the current situation in Palestine: “This is not a war. This is annihilation… The atrocities are still happening. It is just the pace that changes.”
“In the West Bank, forced displacement, seizures, neighbourhoods levelled to the ground, military raids, arbitrary detentions, torture, rape, executions, and land theft for Israeli expansionism and the cruel racial segregation and domination of Palestinians.”
A large banner at the centre of the gathering read: “Israel bombed 36 hospitals in Gaza and murdered more than 1700 healthcare workers. Targeting healthcare is a war crime. Arms embargo & Sanctions now!”
As protesters moved through Oxford, they chanted “blood money on your hands, show us your divestment plans”, “arms embargo right now”, and “Oxford University pick a side, justice or genocide”.
Two march attendees, Lisa and John, have been protesting for Palestine daily outside Carfax Tower. They spoke to Cherwell about the current state of the student movement for Palestine. Lisa, a current graduate student said that: “For students the consciousness is there and the willingness is there but people are afraid.” John added that Oxford’s prestige meant “there is a lot of power and opportunities to speak up concentrated here”.
Outside the Weston Library, protesters heard speeches from Nick Maynard, an Oxford alumnus and surgeon who has worked extensively in Gaza, and Haya Adams, an activist from the SOAS-liberated zone. Maynard, who went to Exeter College, said in his speech: “There are moments in history when silence becomes a form of complicity… More than 22,000 children have been killed in Gaza in the last three years.” He told the audience about individual patients he had seen in hospitals in Gaza, explaining that, on one occasion, his colleagues were stripped of critical supplies of baby formula by the Israeli military upon entering the strip.
Regarding the international treatment of Palestine, Maynard later told Cherwell: “We know it’s been failed by our governments, we know it’s been failed by our media, but it’s also being failed by our academic institutions… They have not given students a sufficient platform to talk about the genocide. Students have been fantastic. The university needs to give a much bigger platform to its students.”
Oxford Students for Palestine, one of the groups organising the protest, told Cherwell: “We wish to remind the University and others that Oxford city is extremely pro-Palestine, that we call for the end of the genocide and apartheid, and we call for every Palestinian to be liberated and have the right to return. We are twinned with Ramallah for a reason.”
The group added that “we’re calling on Oxford University and its colleges to disclose and fully divest from any Israeli investments, products, or banks like Barclays”. They also criticised the Oxford University Endowment Fund (OUEM) as “fundamentally resistant to disclosure and divestment”.
Adams, from the SOAS-liberated zone, told Cherwell: “The most basic and bare minimum thing that Oxford University can do is cut ties with genocide through their investments, through their partnerships. There really are ethical alternatives… Oxford University can also protect the right to free speech by allowing students to speak up for Palestine with no disciplinary action. They need to be held accountable for the arrests that happened during the time of the encampments.”
In response to a right of reply, Oxford University said: “Oxford is steadfast in its commitment to freedom of expression and to the right to peaceful protest within the law. At the same time, we have a legal and moral duty to uphold the rights, dignity and safety of every member of our community. When behaviour, including protest, causes serious disruption, harassment or safeguarding concerns, we will act in accordance with the law and our own established procedures.”
OUEM did not respond to our request for comment.
As the march ended, Oxford Students for Palestine reflected on how it fit with the global student movement. They told Cherwell: “The last thing we will say is that the students united will never be defeated, as we’ve seen across the world.”
Additional reporting by Stanley Arlidge and Freya Robson.
Student Life
Why the US midterms matter
How could the outcome of the US midterm elections ever affect an Oxford student? Well, the elections might affect the cost of your next Tesco or Sainsbury’s visit. This month, diesel prices surpassed £2 per litre. British grocery inflation also just ticked up to 2.5% from 2.3%. The two are not unrelated. Many attribute Britain’s inflation to the ongoing conflict between Iran and the United States in the Middle East. On top of this, the Trump administration has threatened a 100% tariff on UK goods if the country does not abandon its digital services tax.
For better or worse, US government policy can affect the world, and with President Trump’s party holding slim majorities in both legislative chambers, current US policy may be challenged or forced to change. While, strictly speaking, the midterm elections only involve voting for representatives and senators, many view them as a vote of confidence in the president. Historically, the election has generally reflected a lack of confidence in the president, at least within the House of Representatives. Since 1946, regardless of party, the incumbent president’s party has gained seats in just two midterm elections: 1998 and 2002. These elections stand out because 1998 was the year President Clinton was impeached and 2002 was the election following 9/11.
Making sense of the midterms
Let’s say you agree with the notion that the outcome of the midterms may affect your grocery spend or your travel spend between or after term time; how on Earth do you make sense of the US election? Why do some politicians appear up for election and others do not? How do you know if power has shifted and a debate will occur on issues that affect an Oxford student?
In the US, Congress consists of two elected legislative bodies: the House and the Senate. Every two years, the entire House and one-third of the Senate stand for election.
A representative serves a two-year term in the House. This means the entire House stands for election on a two-year cycle, which includes the presidential election and the midterms in between. Currently, the Republican Party holds a slim majority in the House, and the Democratic Party would need a net gain of 3 seats to take control.
A senator, on the other hand, serves a six-year term, and there are 100 Senators. Further, the Senate is divided into three classes, with about 33 Senators per class. Senate elections are staggered so that one-third of the Senate stands for election every two years. Like in the House, the Republicans hold a majority in the Senate, and the Democrats would need a net gain of 4 seats to take control.
What Congress can do
Now that we understand how the election works, how would a change of power in Congress affect an Oxford student’s daily life?
Congress was designed as a restraint on the presidency. Congress possesses extensive power in budgeting, defence, foreign policy, trade, and other matters which can be used to counter the president. If the opposition party, the Democrats, wins control of either or both chambers, then expect attempts to foil President Trump. This matters to students from the UK and abroad. As mentioned before, US global policy might increase our food bill, but even more, as petrol prices rise, so will prices for all travel and, in particular, air travel back home for international students.
The Iran war
So, what can Congress do? Congress has a variety of options to influence the Iran war, one of which is the War Powers Resolution. Under this law, Congress could force an end to hostilities by voting to instruct the president to begin withdrawing the US military from hostilities within 60 days. However, this would require a supermajority of Congress because the president would likely veto a War Powers Resolution on the Iran war.
Alternatively, Congress can take other steps to impede the war. This includes restricting the military’s budget, rejecting or not voting on nominees, holding hearings, forcing Department of Defense officials to testify, and more. If the Senate doesn’t confirm a nominee, the president is limited in whom he may select, and the ‘acting’ official tends to hold little political power. All of this pressure would go a distance in bringing an end to a conflict that has increased petrol in the UK by 16-30% on average and increased airline jet fuel globally by 20%.
Tariffs and the power of the purse
On tariffs, Congress could pass legislation to terminate specific tariffs or rescind the president’s authority more broadly. Much of the same congressional options that applied to the Iran war also apply to tariffs. The key difference is that if both chambers of Congress switch to the Democrats, there is a good chance legislation curtailing the President’s tariffs could override a presidential veto.
The congressional power of the purse should also not be underestimated. In 2019, former Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi refused to allow appropriations legislation to pass over a dispute to fund a border wall on the US-Mexico border, leading to a government shutdown. This can hurt the American public, as the lack of funding ceases or slows essential operations and functions like airports, issuance of small business loans, court proceedings, and heavily used public venues like national parks. Traditionally, this stalemate places great pressure on the party that appears unwilling to compromise and in 2019, President Trump found himself in that position. All of this puts the President’s 10% tariff on UK goods in jeopardy and diminishes the risks of new tariff threats.
The bottom line
So, today, take note of these facts if you attend a University of Oxford watch party. The election taking place 3,000 miles away may affect you more than you imagine, as it may affect the cost of what you eat, the cost of travel around Oxford, the cost of a flight home following term time, or even more; it may affect the global economy every Oxford student wishes to work in. Don’t stay up too late, but hopefully, if you watch the election, you will appreciate its significance, and it will also provide some entertainment.
Student Life
Oxford Union overhauls voting rules after election scandals
Two forms of identification will be required to vote at the Oxford Union following consecutive instances of electoral fraud involving impersonation. Voters will now need to provide their membership card and one additional form of identification, after the Standing Committee accepted a rule change earlier this week.
Union President Gareth Lim told Cherwell that the change aims to protect the accuracy and integrity of the electoral process, especially to avoid the impact of counterfeit and illicitly obtained membership cards. The proposal to the Standing Committee described the previous system as “open to abuse” and added that the new rules are written under the principle that “the election system should be fully defensible against attempted fraud”.
Impersonation and false membership cards disrupted the two most recent Union elections.
In Trinity Term 2026, the election count was suspended after a Returning Officer identified evidence of substantial interference before boxes were opened. CCTV showed individuals attempting to cast votes using membership cards which were not their own.
Similar electoral fraud occurred during elections in Hilary, as President-Elect Catherine Xu was removed after a separate Tribunal found she had distributed membership cards belonging to other people for voting.
After both elections, membership cards were seized, and those found guilty have been suspended from the Union.
Lim proposed the new double-identification system over the summer. The Standing Committee recommended the changes, and they were affirmed by the Union’s ‘house’ on Thursday.
When asked why these measures have only come under consideration after the second instance of attempted fraud, the President told Cherwell the rules follow suspected large-scale counterfeit voting in June, whereas the Hilary election was suspected to be the scheme of one individual at the time.
Guidance on what will be accepted as secondary identification has not yet been confirmed. Cherwell understands that student identification, including Bodleian cards, will be sufficient.
In addition to the changes to voter identification, the Union is also changing the process through which candidates are selected for standing committee. Starting from the elections in Hilary term 2027, candidates for Secretary’s Committee will require three unique nominators who are not candidates themselves to stand. The change is being introduced to “help reduce the unfair and unnecessary burden placed on electoral officials by the frivolous nomination of candidates with no interest or support in winning”.
A mock election to trial the new system will be conducted by the Returning Officers during the Union’s US Midterm Election event this evening. Attendees have been directed to bring both their government ID and Union card. The new rules will take effect for the next election on 27th November.
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