Traffic & Transport
Will Andy Burnham ‘go big’ in expanding the role of the state? | Nationalisation
As he swept towards victory in the Makerfield byelection, Andy Burnham told voters he wanted to see “the essentials of life being run primarily for the public interest, not for the private interests”.
Citing the Bee Network of buses and trams across Manchester city region, brought together on his watch, Burnham repeatedly highlighted the need for more “public control” over the necessities of life. Water, energy, transport and housing are at the top of his list.
Now PM-in-waiting, he is expected to say more about his economic priorities in a speech on Monday.
Burnham’s Manchester address will garner intense interest, from his more leftwing backers to the owners of vast chunks of the British economy. They will be trying to gauge whether he is really serious about expanding the role of the state – all the way through to outright nationalisation – and willing to stare down the vested interests standing in the way.
His choice of chancellor is being viewed as a critical test of his radicalism on this agenda. Advocates of an economic reset, including nationalisation, see Ed Miliband as the only plausible candidate who would be prepared to countenance the steps needed – including facing down intense industry lobbying.
Former health secretary Wes Streeting, by contrast, did not mention public ownership or control in his recent speech on “progressive capitalism”, with the bookies’ favourite for No 11 focusing instead on alignment with the EU, planning deregulation and exploiting the North Sea.
Neal Lawson, the director of the progressive thinktank Compass and a vocal supporter, sees the distinction between public control – which could just mean tougher regulation, for example – and full-blooded public ownership, as key.
“Does Andy Burnham think he can go for ‘control,’ when all of the evidence suggests these things are uncontrollable, and can only be managed in the public interest by being owned in some innovative way by the public sector?” he says.
Perhaps the most radical vision of what public ownership could mean was set out in a dense policy paper published recently by Mat Lawrence, director of the Common Wealth thinktank, under the auspices of Burnham campaign vehicle Mainstream.
Lawrence says of Burnham: “He’s grasped that part of people’s desire for change is this hybrid and bureaucratic model we have for essential sectors, with a weak state trying to regulate privatised utilities, which doesn’t really work for anyone, in terms of affordability, investment, sovereignty, or quality of life.”
Common Wealth was set up explicitly to make the case for greater public ownership – though Lawrence and his co-author Alex Williams eschew the word “nationalisation”.
Their central argument in the paper, The Productive State, is that many of the basics of life – including transport, energy and water, but also social care and housing – have become too expensive, because shareholders are forever taking a slice.
That leads to higher inflation, they say – and therefore higher interest rates; and leaves voters frustrated that basic public goals, such as keeping England’s waterways free of faeces, seem forever out of politicians’ reach.
Cat Hobbs, the founder of the We Own It campaign, which has long argued for public ownership of key resources, stresses this latter, democratic aspect of the argument.
“The arguments are fairly straightforward,” she says. “We’re talking about natural monopolies. We don’t have choice as consumers, and so what we’ve argued is that we need accountability as citizens.”
Common Wealth insists its favoured approach has little in common with the postwar model of great, clunking nationalised industries, funded directly by the Treasury and with ministers in command.
Instead, they hark back to an earlier example – the Central Electricity Board, established by Stanley Baldwin’s Conservative government in 1926. The state-owned arm’s-length body built the first national grid, and rationalised electricity generation, helping to drive down bills.
Research by Arthur Downing, of the LSE, has shown that the regional public electricity generators of the time, known as “municipals”, were able to cut prices, because they did not need to pay out profits to shareholders, and could borrow more cheaply than a private operator could.
Somewhat similarly, Common Wealth describes the model it has in mind as “the public corporation, operating with a clear mandate, borrowing against its own revenues, insulated from both Treasury short-termism and shareholder extraction.”
As Burnham prepares to move into No 10, the future of Thames Water is seen as an early test case, with ministers set to decide whether the heavily indebted company should collapse into the state’s special administration regime (SAR) or its bondholders be allowed to take it over.
Thames’s shareholders have already been wiped out, and its creditors have offered to take a hefty discount. SAR can be used to tip a firm that provides a crucial public service, and is at risk of collapse, into a form of temporary insolvency. An independent administrator would then take over negotiations with lenders.
The expected outcome after a company has gone into the SAR is for it to be sold back into the private sector once its finances have been restructured. But advocates of nationalisation argue that ministers could instead mandate that Thames ends up a public corporation.
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Even Lawrence, who believes public sector ownership could and should be much more widespread, is cautious about how rapidly this process could take place – conscious of the risk of alarming private sector investors.
“This is not against markets, or dynamism, or entrepreneurialism; it’s about fixing some of those sectors that are not working to provide the affordable foundations for dynamic businesses to thrive,” he says, arguing that state capacity – the ability for the public sector to run things – has to be built up slowly.
Indeed, in the three years left of a Labour administration, Lawrence reckons Thames might be as far as the government could get, in terms of nationalising existing utilities – though Hobbs, and campaigners at the thinktank Compass, would like to see a much more aggressive use of the SAR.
Even that would be less drastic than the approach favoured in Labour’s 2019 manifesto, which was to take “rail, mail, water and energy” into public hands, by exchanging government bonds for shares. Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour insisted the plan would be “fiscally neutral” because the state would acquire assets, though the Institute for Fiscal Studies put the upfront cost at “many tens of billions” and pointed out the taxpayer would also be taking on hefty debts.
That same approach – bonds for shares – is the one laid out in the Productive State paper.
Fresh borrowing to fund such a process could be accommodated under the current fiscal rules, if the state acquires a financial asset in return. But that would not apply to the firms’ physical assets, creating potential accounting headaches, unless the rules were rewritten again.
It could also result in lengthy legal battles over what constituted fair value to investors.
The government’s relatively straitened fiscal position, with the debt-to-GDP ratio tripling in the past 20 years to 96% and a debt interest bill of £137bn due this year, also raises questions about the potential cost of additional borrowing.
For these and other reasons, Lawrence suggests Burnham should focus for the moment on quick(ish) wins that lean towards public “control” as well “ownership”.
All metro mayors could be encouraged to use franchising powers to create Bee Network-style integrated transport networks, while the government’s Great British Railways could take more action to coordinate routes and fares across the train operators Labour is returning to state ownership.
Meanwhile, a string of development corporations, with borrowing powers, could be set up to kickstart housebuilding, rather than hoping that planning deregulation alone will fuel a construction renaissance.
Rachel Reeves has already announced the creation of a development corporation for Greater Cambridge.
Lawrence suggests Labour could then go into the next general election advocating a more thoroughgoing nationalisation agenda, that could include taking the energy transmission companies into state ownership.
Another often-cited vehicle for change is Great British Energy: advocates of nationalisation argue this state-owned vehicle has been set up too timidly, and could enter the energy generation business, if it was scaled up and given a more expansive remit.
Burnham’s campaign rhetoric about an expanded role for the state could encompass a wide range of possibilities. With his top team set to be announced shortly, the MP for Makerfield’s every word will be watched intently, to determine whether he is ready, as the title of Miliband’s relentlessly upbeat book put it a few years ago, to “go big”.
Traffic & Transport
Number of cloned number plates on UK roads at record high, data shows | Transport
The number of reported “cloned” vehicles involved in offences on UK roads has reached a record high, official data shows.
More than 11,400 drivers contacted the DVLA last year after being issued with fines for offences they said they did not recognise or accept responsibility for – most of which are believed to be down to cloning, where a number plate is copied fraudulently on similar vehicles to avoid enforcement cameras.
The number of complaints about misattribution was 9% higher than in 2024 and almost double the figure recorded in 2018, according to the RAC motoring organisation, which analysed data obtained under freedom of information requests.
The rising figures underscore concerns about the number of illegal number plates in use, allowing criminals to evade detection and dangerous drivers to avoid being caught.
Although drivers should provide number plate suppliers with the V5C vehicle logbook and proof of identity, an investigation last year uncovered more than 130 official suppliers in the UK willing to sell cloned versions, which allow drivers to dodge police and congestion charges.
Cloning vehicles has left many innocent car owners having to struggle to prove they were not responsible when enforcement camera images apparently caught their vehicle committing offences.
A parallel concern is the use of “ghost” plates which are designed to be unreadable by the UK’s 18,000 automatic number plate recognition (ANPR) cameras, which enforce safety measures such as speed limits or lane closures on smart motorways.
The RAC said the UK needed to overhaul an outdated and poorly regulated number plate system. Its head of policy, Simon Williams, said: “If number plate suppliers were carrying out all the checks they’re supposed to, it would be much harder for dodgy drivers to buy cloned plates in the first place. It’s only when a fine arrives at a vehicle keeper’s home address that they realise someone else is driving around using their vehicle’s number plate illegally.”
He said that more also needed to be done to catch drivers with ghost plates, “whether that’s more police officers being equipped with handheld devices that can detect if plates are unreadable, updating ANPR cameras and introducing higher security standards for number plates and for those who produce them”.
The government last month said there would be a new nationwide crackdown on illegal number plates, with funding from the Department for Transport for a new roads policing team. A new National Roads Policing Coordination Centre would share intelligence as well as trialling new technology such as specialised goggles to detect number plates that have been designed to be unreadable by cameras.
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Drivers using an incorrectly displayed number plate can be fined up to £1,000.
A Department for Transport spokesperson said: “We’re cracking down on illegal number plates with significant investment in a new roads policing team and innovative tech to stamp out the scourge of cloned numberplates.
“Illegal number plates help facilitate crime, and we are supporting the police to work with the DVLA to make it easier to report these crimes and support victims through a new digital tool.”
Traffic & Transport
‘A big responsibility’: Clifton Suspension Bridge master hails £7.6m renovation | Bristol
The job does not give the holder age-old perks such as the right to drive sheep across the great structure, but the title “bridge master” does have a certain ring to it.
“I don’t tend to say I’m the bridge master when I’m at a party,” said Tristan Ralph, the current holder of the title. “But people do seem to know and bring it up. It’s a job less ordinary, isn’t it? It’s a Victorian sounding title and people are really, really interested.”
There is, however, nothing ceremonial about the title. Ralph is in charge of maintaining and running the Clifton Suspension Bridge, a UK feat of engineering, without any public money.
“It does feel a big responsibility,” said Ralph. “When the chairman of the trustees rang to say we’d like you to do it, you suddenly feel the pressure. It’s so famous and people in Bristol, quite rightly, are proud and almost possessive of it. Bristolians think: ‘It’s our bridge.’”
The bridge master – and the not-for-profit charity the Clifton Suspension Bridge Trust – have the task of maintaining the bridge “in perpetuity”. “I’m a temporary custodian,” Ralph said. “When I’m finished, I have to make sure it is handed on in just [as] good a condition or better than I inherited it.”
Ralph, a bridge engineer by profession, was speaking to mark the conclusion of a large refurbishment project that has taken two and a half years and involved hand-painting more than 4,000 original iron chain links and installing an energy-efficient lighting system. It has cost about £7.5m. “It’s been a big job,” he said. “But it’s come pretty much bang on budget, which is rare these days.”
That is important because, to many visitors’ surprise, the bridge does not receive public funding. “The upkeep of the bridge, the running of it, the salary costs and everything are all paid only by our toll money,” said Ralph. “People think that we might get something from local or central government. But, no, it’s just the toll money.”
Motorised vehicles – including motorcycles – pay £1 to cross the bridge. There is no charge for pedestrians, cyclists or horse riders. As well as being a beautiful structure, it is also a vital part of Bristol and North Somerset’s transport system.
Ralph said: “It draws the tourists in. We get visitors from hundreds of countries every year but primarily, it’s still a vital piece of local infrastructure. If the bridge wasn’t here, the difference it would make to Bristol traffic would be incredible. We average over 8,000 vehicles a day still. Maintaining it as a transport link is utterly vital.”
The end of the refurbishment does not mean Ralph can rest on his laurels and spend more time hobnobbing with members of the Bridge Owners Forum.
“In a few years, we’ll need to paint the underside of the bridge. The under-bridge gantry unit itself will be replaced over the coming years. So there’s always something. We need to keep on top of things. It’s like your house or your car. If you just ignore it, don’t do things for a couple of years, they start breaking down.”
As in most walks of life, the climate emergency is a challenge Ralph and the trust are having to face. “We were monitoring the bridge daily in the summer with the very hot weather. And maybe if the bridge was being designed today, there would be a little bit more robustness around wind.”
The prevailing south-west wind is not usually a problem and the bridge rarely has to close but if it blows directly through the Avon Gorge it can be more difficult. “We need to keep an eye at both the magnitude of any wind events but also their frequency,” Ralph said.
The engineer admires the bridge’s designers, including Isambard Kingdom Brunel. “It’s remarkably advanced for its time.”
And there is no sign that its days are numbered, largely because the Victorians did not skimp. Ralph said: “There are three layers of chains. The original Brunel design only had two, but because it went from a timber design to a cast-iron deck, they upped it to three.
“There’s a little bit of comfort in there. Today there might be pressure to say, well, can you keep it to two, but in Victorian times they did like to add a little bit of meat on the bones.
“It doesn’t have a finite life. There’s no end date in our plans. We all just keep it going in the highest standards as we can. It’s in really good condition as long as we keep doing what we need to do, keep our attention on it and don’t let things drift. Forever is a long time but there’s no reason why we have any need to worry at the moment.”
Uber has begun a trial of autonomous vehicles on the streets of Manchester as it looks to bring robotaxis to cities around the UK.
The first self-driving cars are operating, using the technology of its partner firms Pony and Verne, with whom Uber recently launched Europe’s first autonomous taxi service in the Croatian capital, Zagreb.
Uber said it was “excited to take this first step toward making this technology accessible to people across the UK”.
In social media posts, Verne said it had “started our autonomous vehicle testing in Manchester”, while Pony said there were “plans to bring robotaxis to the city” and that testing was under way.
The tests involve the company mapping the streets of the city in north-west England with a safety driver behind the wheel and no passengers.
Limited passenger services started last month in London, but with a safety driver in the front seat of cars supplied by Wayve under Transport for London’s licensing rules for private hire vehicles.
The next steps are unclear. Opposition from Uber drivers, their unions and the capital’s politicians to the rollout of robotaxis is mounting. The GMB and ADCU unions have both said thousands of drivers jobs will be lost and have called for help for those affected.
A critical report from London assembly’s transport committee this week called for the government to devolve authority over autonomous taxi services.
It said there was “considerable uncertainty about many of the claimed benefits of autonomous passenger vehicles”, and fears over the impact on public transport and congestion, as well as safeguarding and accessibility for disabled passengers.
There has been no official application to launch passenger services in Manchester so far, and the vehicles are operating under government licence via the Driver and Vehicle Standards Agency (DVSA) and the Department for Transport.
A spokesperson for Transport for Greater Manchester said it wanted the city’s taxis to be the safest in the country.
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“New technologies play an increasingly important role in the growth of our city region,” they said. “But they need to be introduced responsibly, safely and with real thought about what it means for our residents.
“Although no applications have been made to operate driverless taxis in the Greater Manchester, we’re aware of potential interest from companies to do so.
“Safety will always be our top priority, and we will need strong assurances that no vehicles will operate on our roads that pose any risk to residents.”
Uber said it expected to offering robotaxi trips in as many as 15 cities worldwide by the end of 2026, mainly in the US and the Middle East.
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