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Lady C by Guy Cuthbertson review – how Lady Chatterley’s Lover rocked Britain | DH Lawrence
Not known for his humour, DH Lawrence thought of Lady Chatterley’s Lover as a serious novel about the sacred nature of sex. But some of the activity between Connie and the gamekeeper Mellors is funny, either unintentionally (as in the scene where they garland each other’s naked bodies with flowers) or with a playful recognition of carnal absurdity: his penis is “farcical” and intercourse involves a “ridiculous bouncing of buttocks”. More comic still was the fallout from the book: customs officers seizing banned copies, high court jinks, innumerable skits and cartoons. As Guy Cuthbertson shows in his entertaining book, “It’s not a comic novel as such, but one way or another, it created laughter.”
On a steam railway in Devon, you can ride in a carriage called Lady Chatterley. Boots, blouses, thongs, earrings, pens, postcards and saris also bear her name and there have been endless jokey variations on the title: Lady Chatterley’s Pullover, Lady Chatterley’s Loofah, Lady Loverley’s Chatter and so on. Allusions to the novel turn up everywhere from lonely hearts ads to fancy dress parades. And as John Profumo and David Mellor discovered, if you were caught with your pants down in a sex scandal there’d be jokes about the new moral decrepitude that followed the unbanning of the book.
The biggest sniggers came during the trial itself, in 1960 – Regina v Penguin Books – when Mervyn Griffith-Jones, for the crown, asked: “Is it a book that you would even wish your wife or your servants to read?” The 35 witnesses for the defence, graded A to D in terms of their potential impact, were an impressive bunch, including EM Forster, Rebecca West and the Bishop of Woolwich, with English lecturer Richard Hoggart the star performer. The prosecution didn’t call on any writers, though Evelyn Waugh and Enid Blyton were in favour of the ban. To assist their judgment, members of the jury spent a pre-trial week in armchairs at the Old Bailey reading the book, with morning coffee provided. The judge’s inclination was for a guilty verdict but they defied him. Some 400 people queued outside Foyles in London before the shop opened on the first day of sales. The paperback quickly sold 2 million copies.
Among those in the gallery at the trial was Sylvia Plath, who’d bought an expurgated copy as a student and, after marrying Ted Hughes, confided to her diary that she was a woman living “with her own gamekeeper” (Hughes had indeed once wanted to be a gamekeeper, just as his brother Gerald became). How far the novel influenced her work and thinking isn’t clear but, as Cuthbertson shows, it did leave its mark on George Orwell’s fiction and on Stella Gibbons’s Cold Comfort Farm. Philip Larkin thought it a “grand” book (“parts of it made me laugh deeply”) and, whereas some librarians refused to stock it even after the trial, he organised a special exhibition to celebrate its release.
Entertainers of all kinds were drawn to Lady C. Screaming Lord Sutch recited extracts on his pirate radio station. David Bowie named it one of his favourite books and wore red trousers, just as Mellors recommended. Jimmy Edwards chose it on Desert Island Discs. The novel was alluded to in Mad Men, featured in a song by Tom Lehrer (who rhymes it with “philately”), and drew everyone from Joanna Lumley to Sylvia “Emmanuelle” Kristel to appear in film versions. Only the magazine Field and Stream failed to share the enthusiasm, finding the book deficient as a guide to gamekeeping.
Deeply English though the setting is, with class division and industrial blight among its themes, the novel caused controversy worldwide. In the US, it was debated in the Senate. In Japan, the translator Itō Sei was found guilty of obscenity. In Egypt, the wife of King Farouk kept a paperback copy by her bed. My mother did the same, tucking it away in a bedside cabinet that I secretly raided in my teens. You could be teased or shamed for reading “the dirty bits”. People hid it in plain brown covers or inside more wholesome books.
What might offend readers today isn’t the sexual candour and use of four-letter words, but Mellors’s doom-laden and homophobic philosophising. Connie’s antisemitism too: “You only bully with your money like any Jew,” she tells her husband, whose disability has also caused upset. If Lawrence wished to emphasise Clifford’s weakness and impotence, couldn’t he have done it less objectionably than by putting him in a wheelchair?
Guy Cuthbertson has been a diligent researcher, spending many hours trawling through archives and cuttings. He has even looked through the trial judge’s copy of the book, with its highlighting of rude words. If he underplays the significance of Kate Millett’s attack on the novel’s phallocentrism, that’s because he’s keeping things light. After all the heavy moralising that went with the book, it’s the right way to go. He has produced an enjoyable piece of social history, less earnest Leavisite sermonising than saucy Ealing Studios comedy.
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‘Stuck in the mud’: one year on, Friedrich Merz struggles to find his footing | Germany
Friedrich Merz’s first steps as German chancellor proved to be a stumble and, one year on, he is still struggling to find his footing at the helm of Europe’s top economy and most populous country, with support at historic lows and the far right poised to pounce.
The conservative Christian Democrat took office on 6 May 2025 after a humiliating loss in the first round of voting in parliament. It raised doubts, right from the start, about the stability of his coalition government with the Social Democrats.
Lawmakers formally elect the chancellor after a general election, and it is typically assumed they will rubber-stamp the new government’s chosen candidate.
Mystery still lingers about the identity of the 18 unnamed rebels in the secret ballot who denied Merz his majority, but it set the tone for an administration marred by crises, gaffes, outbursts and mistrust.
“The cart is certainly stuck in the mud,” Merz biographer Daniel Goffart said this week, summing up a sense of strategic helplessness by the government in the face of compounding emergencies and intractable conflicts at home and abroad.
A recent survey for US-based opinion research institute Morning Consult found Merz to have the second-lowest approval rating of 24 democratically elected world leaders, with just 19% of Germans saying they are satisfied with his work.
Senior aides privately say that Merz’s record unpopularity for a postwar chancellor is unfair given the size of the challenges he has had to face – from an often hostile Donald Trump to deindustrialisation in crucial sectors and, since the war in Iran, surging fuel prices.
They blame negative media coverage for driving a narrative of dysfunction and paralysis, and cite achievements including cutting new asylum applications by more than half, making big investments in defence and infrastructure, and addressing chronic shortages in the country’s armed forces in response to the threat posed by Russia.
However, critics say persistent rivalries and tensions within the government, combined with Merz’s communication style being erratic at times, have undermined a sense of common purpose given the enormous challenges facing Germany.
The chancellor has repeatedly caused anxiety or offence with offhand comments meant to set him apart from the cautious approach of his two predecessors, Olaf Scholz and Merz’s longtime rival Angela Merkel, on issues ranging from immigration and work to the future of the pension system.
“Merz is an impulsive guy, sometimes emotional,” Goffart said. “That can be refreshing but not always. And at the age of 70, it is probably not going to change.”
Late last month, Merz, who has prided himself on keeping the lines of communication to Trump open with flattery and pragmatism, stunned observers with an unvarnished critique of the US-led war in Iran to a classroom full of school pupils.
The blunt comments triggered a spat with the White House that soon threatened to turn into a historic rupture, with an angry Trump announcing a drawdown of at least 5,000 US troops stationed in Germany as well as punishing new trade penalties on European cars.
The vast majority of voters have dwindling faith that the coalition can revive the struggling economy, rescue a car industry under siege from Trump’s tariffs and Chinese competition, and recalibrate a social welfare system facing a looming demographic crunch.
Political commentator Nils Minkmar drew parallels with Timmy the wayward whale, a massive once-mighty but now slowly dying creature, and the quixotic efforts to rescue it: “A symbol for the whole country.”
“I have rarely seen a federal government as clueless as the Black-Red coalition in the face of Trump’s war on Iran,” he said, in reference to the governing parties’ colours.
Just as the suffering humpback was towed to the Atlantic “where – according to the miracle-belief surrounding the whale – it will then wave at the cameras as fit as Flipper”, Minkmar said, “so parts of the Union [Merz’s conservatives] want to steer the whole republic back to some golden age” using incremental measures such as petrol rebates and taxation tweaks.
“None of this will work,” he said. “There are enough people in the coalition parties who know better, but everyone is sitting on the fence. No one dares to come out of hiding. So Europe’s largest economy lies waiting on the sandbank. We are Timmy.”
Political consultant Johannes Hillje said Merz’s lack of previous experience as a head of government had exposed key skill gaps, while his promises as a former business executive to ignite a quick economic recovery had fizzled.
“Merz’s premiership is suffering because his personal shortcomings in communication and management are compounded by a structural crisis in the country, the resolution of which requires, above all, sound management and effective communication,” Hillje said.
“No one would claim that this leader faces easy tasks, but by making relatively simple mistakes he is making the job of governing even harder than it already is.”
Asking Germans to tighten their belts and make sacrifices now for their children’s and grandchildren’s future prosperity had to be matched with trust that Merz and his vice-chancellor, Social Democrat Lars Klingbeil, had not yet earned, Hillje said.
“Tough measures need to be backed by a vision that is broader and more appealing than a single painful reform. Such a vision is clearly lacking. Merz needs to incorporate more explanation and empathy into his communication.”
Despite the repeated setbacks, however, Goffart dismissed doomsday rhetoric about the government, even in the face of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland, which is leading in several polls but kept from power with a “firewall” maintained by mainstream parties.
Despite frequent clashes, Goffart said the ruling parties appeared committed to sticking it out, also to thwart the disaster of a government collapse which the AfD could exploit in new elections.
“For better or for worse, they are a bit chained together,” he said of the coalition partners, dismissing speculation that Merz would give up on the alliance in favour of a minority government, potentially propped up with AfD support.
Merz would be unable to form a majority with any other party but the Social Democrats, Goffart added, even if their poll numbers currently fall short: “They all know that even if they bicker and get fed up, there is no alternative and that focuses minds.”
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