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Tonight the Music Seems So Loud by Sathnam Sanghera review – a heartbreaking portrait of George Michael | Biography books
In 1998, George Michael was arrested for public lewdness in an LA lavatory, an incident that finally led the singer to publicly come out. The following day, Sathnam Sanghera found himself unable to leave his room at university: the doorway had been mockingly plastered with tabloid newspaper headlines – “ZIP ME UP BEFORE YOU GO-GO!” – by fellow students aware of his longstanding fandom. As a writer, Sanghera is best known for a series of award-winning books on the British empire, which he calls his “specialist subject”. Judging by Tonight the Music Seems So Loud – not a biography so much as a miscellany, a set of themed essays that tend to digress in all kinds of intriguing directions – the life and work of one Georgios Panayiotou runs imperialism and its legacy a very close second.
It is an unashamedly partisan book, although not an uncritical one. Sanghera is as alive to Michael’s personal and professional failings (whether the naffness of some of his early work as one half of Wham! or his high-handed treatment of the duo’s other half, Andrew Ridgeley) as he is in love with his artistic triumphs. These, of course, range from Careless Whisper and Wham!’s annually inescapable Last Christmas to the 1996 solo masterpiece Older, a peculiar and peculiarly effective cocktail of raw grief at the Aids-related death of his lover Anselmo Feleppa and unrepentant horniness.
Sanghera’s love for his subject is evidently sharpened by the opprobrium of others. Indeed if the book has a flaw, it’s that the author is old enough to remember an era when George Michael was deemed insufferably uncool by some arbiters of taste (incredibly, when Wham! performed at a 1984 benefit show for striking miners, the only mainstream pop act to show support for the cause, they were received stone-faced by the audience and savaged by the music press for their trouble), and thus has a tendency to underestimate how much both he and his music have been critically re-evaluated in the 21st century.
He says one of the spurs to write the book was his belief that “most truly popular music is not generally deemed worthy of serious analysis and George Michael’s music most certainly is not”. That might have been true once, but certainly not of late: when he died, this newspaper alone ran six features by critics analysing different aspects of his music. “He sang so exquisitely about the marrow of life, about the vital, corporeal things”, wrote one, which definitely doesn’t amount to taking George Michael insufficiently seriously.
But if Sanghera occasionally seems like a man doughtily fighting a battle that’s already won, it doesn’t really impede his narrative, which traces Michael’s progress from pudgy, acne-ridden teen, to pop star girls screamed at, to gay icon, and is packed with anecdotes, sharp analysis and context. Sanghera is very good on the climate of homophobia in the 80s, which might have given any gay public figure serious qualms about coming out, and fascinating on Michael’s family background: how growing up embedded in north London’s Greek Cypriot community impacted on everything from Wham!’s image – not camp, Sanghera suggests, but “the vision of two children of immigrants imagining a kind of glamour they had not actually experienced before” – to his work ethic and control freakery. His dad made good in England by working exceptionally hard, running such a tight ship at his restaurant that he summarily fired his only son for messing up the drinks orders. The fact that the same son went on to hire 12 different saxophonists before finding one that could play the solo on Careless Whisper to his satisfaction doesn’t come as a huge surprise.
This my-way-or-the-highway perfectionism could yield hugely impressive results – Careless Whisper’s sax hook may well be the most famous in pop history – but it could equally lead to intransigence and self-sabotage. Michael worked incredibly hard to transform himself from a member of a teen pop band into a more adult-facing solo artist, but having sold a staggering 25m copies of his 1987 solo debut Faith, he refused to promote its follow-up Listen Without Prejudice Vol. 1, or even make videos for its singles: a better album than its predecessor, it achieved only a fraction of its sales as a result. It was evidence of a deeply contradictory nature that occasionally has Sanghera throwing up his hands in bewilderment.
Michael was a polymath, keen to be duly credited as the sole singer, writer, producer and musician on a succession of tracks, but also had a weird habit of talking down his abilities, claiming he couldn’t play instruments he was perfectly capable of playing. He was a Stakhanovite who increasingly worked at an agonisingly glacial pace, endlessly fussing over details, a state of affairs not much helped by his gargantuan appetite for marijuana: coupled with bouts of writers’ block, it meant he released only six albums of original material in a career that lasted 34 years. He was a Labour voter, booster of the NHS and famously generous philanthropist who also engaged in tax avoidance. After being publicly outed, he became a notoriously frank interviewee (“as if nothing can embarrass him anymore” the Guardian’s Simon Hattenstone suggested when he met him in 2009). But even as he skinned up in front of journalists and freely discussed his drug use and sex life, he was concealing the extent of the addictions that eventually killed him.
Michael emerges as a messy, unpredictable but ultimately hugely likable figure, which makes the essay about his demise particularly tough reading. Listed starkly on the page, the facts of his final 10 years make it obvious that he was a deeply unwell man whose life had spun wildly out of control: drug busts, medical emergencies, visits to rehab, rumours of breakdowns and suicide bids and seven incidents in which he either crashed his car or was found comatose at the wheel.
That it somehow didn’t appear obvious at the time – that his death at 53 felt like a shock rather than a grim inevitability – seems remarkable, but as Sanghera points out, Michael’s professionalism did a lot to paper over the cracks. He was always available to the media and always smart, funny and self-effacing: to use a modern turn of phrase, he controlled the narrative. He was punctilious about his appearance – the star certainly never looked like an ailing drug addict – and unfailingly superb onstage.
Behind the scenes, it was a different story. He struggled to make new music: at one juncture he booked six months of recording sessions but never turned up to the studio once. His once-acute commercial instincts seemed to desert him: even Sanghera can’t muster much enthusiasm for the handful of still-unreleased songs he completed in his final years. He cut off close friends and family who tried to intervene. No one who knew him seems to have been particularly surprised by his death: the list of adjectives used to describe him on his official website now includes not just “icon” “legend” “soul singer” and “philanthropist” but “addict” “repeat offender” and “depressive”.
As the book draws to a close, Sanghera offers a heartbreaking alternative history. He imagines Michael conquering his addictions, coming to a complete accommodation with his musical past (to the end of his life, he was dismissive of Wham!, describing their oeuvre as an exercise in “ignoring my own intelligence” and declining to play most of their hits live) and headlining Glastonbury, “getting pleasure from the audience reaction to Club Tropicana”.
It’s affecting because you can imagine it so vividly: the endless succession of hits that anyone with even a passing interest in pop music knows, the pandemonium in the crowd when he breaks out Careless Whisper, the encore of Freedom ’90. You don’t have to be a fan on Sanghera’s level to understand what a triumph it would have been.
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Dismay as Trump officials to dismantle key ocean monitoring system | Climate crisis
The Trump administration plans to dismantle a $368m deep-sea observation system that has for more than a decade provided crucial data on ocean systems and climate change.
In a notice, the National Science Foundation (NSF) announced that it had “initiated descoping of the Ocean Observatories Initiative” (OOI), a vast ocean observation network comprising more than 900 instruments that collect data on ocean health, including current patterns, climate variability and marine biodiversity.
The notice, issued on 21 May, came just days after Trump fired all members of the independent board that oversees the NSF. It outlined plans to remove all in-water infrastructure from observation sites off the coasts of North Carolina, Oregon, Washington and Alaska, as well as from the Irminger Sea, a marginal sea between Greenland and Iceland.
Some scientists expressed dismay at the plan, while Democratic lawmakers said they would fight it, including Senator Chris Van Hollen,of Maryland, who called it a “shortsighted move” that would “end up costing American taxpayers more not less”, the New York Times reported.
Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, a Rhode Island Democrat, said on X: “Fossil fuel is heating our oceans by the zettajoule, so Trump’s corrupt fossil fuel stooges want to turn off the monitors.”
Following the announcement, the OOI’s principal investigator, Jim Edson, said the NSF’s plan involves a phased recovery and infrastructure removal process expected to take place over the next 15 months. “As infrastructure is recovered from each array, the associated real-time data streams and observing capabilities at those locations will come to an end,” Edson said.
The move will bring to an end more than a decade of continuous ocean monitoring after the system first became operational in June 2016.
Describing the network as having “delivered the world’s most advanced continuously operating ocean observing systems”, Edson added: “We are profoundly grateful for the extraordinary efforts of the scientists, engineers, operators, educators, students, and partners who made this facility possible and who continue to advance its legacy through the use of its data.”
The dismantling of the OOI marks another step in the Trump administration’s rollback of science and climate initiatives. It also follows Trump’s push to expand deep-sea mining and loosen fishing regulations, a policy that has alarmed ocean scientists and climate experts.
Hilary Palevsky, a professor focusing on marine biogeochemistry and oceanography at Boston College, pointed to the significance of the data that will be lost, particularly given the sophisticated engineering required to deploy and maintain the instruments.
“One of the real powers of this OOI and a lot of the collection of autonomous data is that scientists like me don’t have to have the expertise or the resources to be able to deploy this kind of infrastructure ourselves,” Palevsky said. “Being able to have instruments, both actually out in the atmosphere floating in the surface ocean, as well as surviving through the really deep mixing and waves in the subsurface.”
She said: “Over the more than 10 years that these things have been deployed, they’ve just gotten better and better at it. And so the data return has also gotten better and better over time … the scientific community was really just getting to the point of being able to capitalize on the data that had been collected so far … I’m really disappointed for the continuation of this important data set.”
Palevsky also warned that rebuilding such a network in the future would be difficult, saying: “If we want to put [the instruments] back out again, we need people who know how to do it and the team that knows how to do it is being dismantled along with the infrastructure program itself.
“We’re potentially at risk of having a gap in our ability to regain the expertise to do things that we had sort of just figured out how to pull off.”
For Palevsky and her students, OOI data has helped shed light on biological production in the ocean and its role in carbon sequestration – the process by which carbon dioxide is captured and stored – as well as deep-ocean processes, marine ecosystems and fisheries.
Data from the OOI has also contributed to research on the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC), a critical system of Atlantic Ocean currents that studies suggest may be more vulnerable to collapse than previously thought, with potentially severe consequences for the global climate.
“One of the important processes in the AMOC is what we call convection, this really deep mixing of surface waters into the deep ocean that happens in winter, basically driven by the surface ocean getting really cold because the atmosphere gets super cold in winter and big, windy storms blow across the surface ocean,” Palevsky said.
“We have gained some really important insights into both how that happens in the Irminger Sea in particular, and how the drivers of that process vary from year to year from the observations that have been gained at this site,” she added.
For scientists like Palevsky, the consequences of dismantling the OOI extend far beyond ocean researchers, particularly as climate change intensifies extreme weather events around the world.
“As we reduce the amount of data that we have, the observations, as well as the science more generally to understand what’s happening in the climate system, it makes it much harder for us as a society to understand what we’re facing and what we need to do to plan for and adapt to it,” she said.
In a statement to the Guardian, NSF head of media affairs Mike England said the program was not being cancelled entirely: “The NSF is not cancelling the Ocean Observatories Initiative. The decision to descope aligns with NSF’s wider strategy of a nimbler approach to prioritize support for evolving scientific priorities and emerging technologies, as well as smart lifecycle management within its research infrastructure portfolio.”
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Henry Nowak arrest footage raises 'serious questions for police', PM says
Sir Keir Starmer says the question of “how accusations of racism informed decision making” must be addressed, as protesters clash with police in Southampton.
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Starmer urges calm as far right seeks to exploit Henry Nowak murder | Southampton
Politicians and community leaders have called for calm amid fears that the populist right is using the murder of Henry Nowak by a Sikh man to whip up racist resentment against minority ethnic Britons.
After Nigel Farage called for the public to respond with “pure, cold rage”, Keir Starmer condemned the Reform UK leader, saying Nowak’s family had explicitly asked that the case not be used to target particular communities.
Starmer said in a TV interview at Downing Street: “Nigel Farage is completely wrong to use this to try and create division. He would be wrong in any circumstances, but when Henry’s family are saying, ‘Please don’t do that, it’s our son’, then really, as politicians, as human beings, we should start where they start.”
Nowak, an 18-year-old university student, was fatally stabbed by Vickrum Digwa, 23, who used a Sikh dagger, in Southampton in December 2025.
Digwa falsely claimed he had been racially abused and attacked by Nowak. Body camera footage released by Hampshire police showed Nowak being handcuffed despite repeatedly telling police officers that he had been stabbed. At one point an officer tells him: “I don’t think you have, mate.”
The treatment of Nowak by police has been highlighted repeatedly during Digwa’s trial by US hard-right commentators, including Elon Musk, who have argued it shows “two-tier” policing in which accusations of racism are prioritised.
In what he described as an “emergency address” sent out via social media on Tuesday morning, Farage repeated this argument, warning that what he termed as an excessive focus on racial equality could lead to “the destruction of society”.
He said: “Enough of anti-white prejudice. A promotion of the idea that white lives matter just as much as black lives.” The phrase “white lives matter” originally emerged among US white nationalists as a riposte to the Black Lives Matter movement.
On Tuesday evening, a crowd of hundreds of people gathered outside Southampton police station after the far-right activist Tommy Robinson called on people to gather for a “Justice for Henry Nowak” protest.
Some chanted: “Racist police, off our streets” and “Shame on you”. They held up union flags and home-made signs including: “Henry’s blood is on your hands”, “Save our kids” and “Prison 4 police on scene”.
Robinson, whose real name is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, accused Hampshire police of institutional racism and called for Digwa’s family to be forced out of Southampton. He said: “If Henry wasn’t white, he wouldn’t have been handcuffed. Henry could be your son.” Responding to the resignation of one of the police officers involved in the arrest, he said: “We want him in prison”.
Nick Tenconi, the leader of the UK Independence Party, led a prayer at the demonstration for Nowak as members of the crowd chanted: “Henry, Henry”. Tenconi said: “The arresting officers believed persecuting him [Nowak] was more important than saving him because he was white.” He added: “I am here to fight for an end to woke policing.”
Starmer said he found the bodycam footage of Nowak’s last moments “harrowing”, saying: “There are clearly serious questions that need to be addressed, not least, how accusations of racism inform the decision making in this case.”
The Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC), the watchdog for police forces in England and Wales, is looking into the case, with Shabana Mahmood, the home secretary, telling the Commons that she expected to see its report within three months.
Starmer said the IOPC must examine whether racial sensitivities played a part in the case, saying: “It is impossible to watch that footage and not appreciate that those questions absolutely have to be answered.”
An image of Henry Nowak’s handcuffed hand as he lay dying, taken from the bodycam footage, has been shared widely as a meme on social media, often by hard-right and far-right accounts, including many in the US.
In a joint statement, Sikh groups condemned what they called “a moment of madness” by one individual, saying that the wider Sikh community had since faced considerable abuse and hate.
Amandeep Singh, from the Sikh charity Basics of Sikhi, said many people had faced abuse: “At least 15 people have been accosted on the streets by collectives of white individuals surrounding Sikhs and asking, ‘Have you got a kirpan [the Sikh ceremonial dagger]?’, trying to stir up racial tensions.”
After recent incidents in which older Sikhs have had their turbans knocked off in racist assaults, many are fearful that the same might happen again, he said.
Andy Burnham called today for a potential change in police policy, while also warning against attempts to inflame tensions.
“There needs to be firstly a proper IOPC investigation, and coming from that, there would appear to me to be serious issues that will maybe need to be reflected in changing in policing practice,” the Greater Manchester mayor told the Guardian as he campaigned in the Makerfield byelection.
“But what I would say is I think the words of the family also need to be at the forefront of every politician’s mind in calling for there not to be an attempt to create further division.”
Answering questions in the Commons about the case, Mahmood told MPs that it was not “a moment to pit white Britons against non-white Britons”. She added that one police officer had been misidentified as being involved in the case, having to move out of his home after receiving death threats.
The Hampshire Police Federation, which represents rank-and-file officers in the force, condemned what it called attempts at “mob or vigilante justice”, including the publication of personal details of officers with no link to the case.
Also speaking in the Commons, Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi, the Labour MP for Slough, accused Farage and others of trying to “politicise people’s pain”. Saying he was deeply saddened at Nowak’s murder, he went on: “What’s very galling is that the likes of Reform, Restore, and the far right decided to politicise people’s pain, attacking the Sikh community for wearing the kirpan and wanting it banned.”
Although the murder weapon was described as a “large Sikh dagger” by the judge, academics have pointed out that the 21cm knife should not be confused with a kirpan, a small, symbolic knife, which was also worn by Digwa and many observant Sikhs.
Kemi Badenoch also condemned Farage’s address. “What Nigel Farage is doing is reinforcing the difference. We need to find what we have in common,” she said.
“Enough of this nonsense where we keep separating everybody and splitting people into different groups. We are descending into tribalism.”
The Guardian understands that the IOPC has found no indication of any disciplinary or criminal offence by the officers involved after six months of inquiries, after it was referred to the watchdog in December. Hampshire police said of four officers involved, three remained on full duties and one has resigned.
In remarks at Digwa’s sentencing on Monday, trial judge William Mousley imposed a term of life imprisonment with a minimum of 21 years. Today the attorney general’s office said it was considering whether Digwa’s sentence should be reviewed as too lenient, saying it had received “multiple requests” for this to happen.
Speaking outside the court, Nowak’s father, Mark Nowak, condemned what he called the “inhumane and degrading” treatment of his son by police, but added: “We do not want his death to be used to create further division, hatred or tension. We want his story to help make our streets safer for everyone.”
The incident has already led police chiefs to review part of their anti-racism commitments, after shadow home secretary Chris Philp claimed language in the preamble to the NPCC’s Race Action Plan could lead to bias.
The line in question says the organisation’s commitment to racial equality “does not mean treating everyone ‘the same’ or being ‘colour blind’ (racial equality).” A source close to the home secretary said the wording was “clumsy”.
Chief constable Gavin Stephens, chair of the National Police Chiefs’ Council, said: “We are listening to legitimate concerns about how some of these commitments are worded or phrased, and where needed we can and will make changes, but this should not detract from the intent, which is to improve the quality of policing.”
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